IRELAND.

Taranaki Daily News, 4 May 1916, Page 6

IRELAND.

\ THE SINN FEINERS. I'JIEIK ORIGIN. The Sinn Feiners mentioned in the cables as directly responsible for the outbreak in Dublin, had their origin in a movement begun in America in 185S by John O'Mahoney, an IrishAmerican, the object of which was the foundation of an independant Irish republic. The first of the Fenian leaders in Ireland was .lames Stephens, one of the "rebels of 1848." He had token refuge in Paris, and, with the support of Irish exiles, he endeavored to stir up a rising in Minister. The "Pheonix' Conspiracy," however, as it was called, failed; Stephens and some of his associates went across the Atlantic, and found fresh followers in the descendants of the exodus after the great famine in Ireland. After .he close of the great war thousands of adventurous Irishmen adrift, Fenian societies—so named from a Gaelic title—were'formed in many of the American towns, and an invasion of Canada was planned and partially carried out. The conspiracy gradually made its way to Ireland. Attempts were made to debauch British regiments; a treasonable press preached war with "the Saxon"; thousands of Irish youths-were attracted to the Fenian ranks. But Fenianium ivas denounced by the Catholic priesthood and the peasantry kept aloof from it. The movement collapsed in the spring of 18(i", after a petty demonstration, and came to nothing. Some out-, rages, nevertheless, took place in England, especially a Fenian raid on the Castle of Chester, 011 February 11, 18R7; an attack on the police at Manchester, and an attempt to blow up Clerkenwell prison in London, on December 13 of the same year. This caused Parliament to carry out large Trish reforms, inaugurated by Mr. Gladstone from 18(19 to 1873. Since then Fenianism has been more or less quiescent in Ireland and the United States.

THE RENEGADE'S CAREER

SIR ROGER CASEMENT. Casement's traitorous action vns first ventilated in the House of Lords, when lord Curzon, during the course of i\ debate on recruiting in Ireland, said:— "This gentleman went to Germany Hfter the outbreak of war, where lie lias been accused of disgraceful and disloyal acts. His fj'iends wrote to the papers that not too much attention should be paid to those acts, as they were doubtful about his mental condition. Since then bis proceedings seem to me to have been characterised by perfect possession of his faculties. 'The last thing nf which we read is that he has prepared a pamphlet which ban been printed by the German Government and circulated, pleading for an alliance between Germany arid Ireland. I do not desire to comment upon this; it is unworthy of comment', but I wish to ask if this official who has received a title is to continue in the enjoyment of his pension."

The Marquis of Crewe said: "From what we have heard of his whereabouts, he is not in a position to draw bis pension, nor is lie likely to become so, but such action as he is reported to have taken ought to be followed, as far as possible, by the infliction of the severest penalties. With that I couple tlie melancholy reflection that a man who lms done such good services in the past, assuming that he is still in possession of all his faculties, should have fallen so low as he appears to have done."

PAMPHLETS FOR THE GERMANS. The pamphlet referred to by Lord Curzon is entitled "The Crime Against Ireland, and How the War May Right it." It is an appeal for a "German-American-Irish Alliance," and has been officially circulated by the German Foreign Office, and is now being pressed into the hands of every American within the reach of the Kaiser's far-flung propaganda system. Casement's pamphlet opens with a preface dated New York, September 1, 1014. which begins: "The following articles were begun in IQII under the title: 'lreland, Germany and the Next War,' and were intended for private circulation only among a few interested friends of both countries. .... The whole seven parts furnish in outline the case for a German-Irish alliance as this presented itself to the writer's mind when tlie world was still in peace; and in Part VII. the intrigues of Greßt Britain to induce an anti-Ger-man policy on the part of the United States are touched on."

Sir Roger's articles especially delight the Teuton heart, Mr. Wile tolls us, because of their violent attack on the idea of an Anglo-American rapprochement. Such a consummation lias been Germany's political pet aversion for the past sixteen years—ever since the SpanishAmerican waf, It is easy to imagine the satisfaction which the closing sentiments of Sir Roger's preachment evoke in Berlin:

"The Anglo-Saxon Alliance means a compact to ..jrisurc slavery and beget war. The people who fought the greatest war in modern history to release slaves are not likely to begin the greatest war in all history to beget slaves.

"Let the truth be known in America that England wants to turn the great Republic of free men into the Imperial ally of the great Empire of bought men, and that day- the Anglo-Saxon Alliance gives place to 'he Declaration of Independence. ''The true alliance to aim at, for all who love peace, is the friendly union of Germany, America, and Ireland. These nr<* the true Unitd Sfiites of the world. Ireland, the link between Europe and America, must be freed by both. "Denied to-day free intercourse with either, she yet forms the great design of Providence, the natural bond to bring the Old World and the New together. "May 1915 lay the foundations of this —the true Hundred Years of Peace!"

"EXPLAINING" THE IRISH SITUATION.

Casement, in 1015, contributed a preface to a German edition of a monograph, published in New York, entitled "British versus German Imperialism—a Contrast," in which he gave utterance to some most disloyal and traitorous suggestions. For example: "Even as the Irish have been maligned, oppressed, and insulted, and exposed to general contempt, even so would Gorman people be, attacked, even so are they in fact being attacked in every quarter of the globe where the English lies can penetrate and spread their asphyxiating gaases. A common foe, a common enemy, should create a common interest and a fixed policy. Hitherto Germany has entirely misunderstood the Irish situation, and has missed—doubtless for her honorable goodwill for F, n g. /land—man*' opportunities to better her

position in this direction. A definite German policy with regard to Ireland should have been a part of the German war plan in the event of n German-British war. . . . ICveu as tilings are novc Germany has friends in Ireland, and more perhaps than is suspected. To he sure they are unarmed friends, and henca powerless tu support their <iwn cause or | that of the nation now threatened by the same, arch-enemy. But if there liad been an Irish policy, if German methods had been less conscientious, less uprightly honorable towards England, then the Irish volunteers might have comprised a well-armed fighting body, a well-armed Ireland might have had a more deterrent effect upon England's greedy ambition than even the 'outraged neutrality' of Belgium could have outweighed, An armed Ireland might well have meant a disarmed England." In February, 1015, Casement alleged that the British Minister in Norway had conspired to have him kidnapped and murdered, and the German Press made a great parade of the allegation at the time. Casement is reported to have actively endeavored, with ill sueces, to seduce Irish prisoners in the German prison camps to desert the British cause and enlist in a German-Irish brigade. The Graphic recently published the following reference to the Casement affair: "Sir George Casement, C.M.G., and renegade, iias sounded the very depths of vileness since he sold himself body and soul to the enemy. Not content with being a traitor himself, he must needs tempt others to follow his base example, and his masters, witi cold and calculated cruelty, sent him on a tour of the German prison caiupS to recruit for an 'lrish Brigade' among the Irish prisoners