THE COLONIST, NELSON, TUESDAY, AUGUST 23, 1859.

Colonist, Volume II, Issue 192, 23 August 1859, Page 2

THE COLONIST, NELSON, TUESDAY, AUGUST 23, 1859.

When the first English mail arrived containing the official announcement of war between the two great Empires of France and Austria, there arrived also, as a sort of rider to that news^ that a secret convention had taken place between France and Russia; the English funds, were much de* presaed in consequence, and an almost panic was created in the Money Market. Viewing, as we do from afar, the aspect of European politics, we are.deprived of those more intimate and secret sources of information which it is the good fortune of the London journalist to command. Here," we have.to reason by induction, and although our reasoning may be at one moment,overthrown by the rash act of a dependarif, the line of policy of a superior is plainly marked, out. We then ventured to assert that, in spite of the general feeling of doubt expressed against the Emperor Louis Napo-> leon, there was ;not the slightest cause for alarm on the ground of a rupture between our own Mother Country, and that which he guides the destinies of. That our conclusions were founded upon a true basis, our later information confirms. We now know that a Ministry has been ousted by the people of England, and principally upon the ground that the Austrian tendency ,of their policy was averse to the1 feelings of the. great British nation. A more Liberal Cabinet has taken the place of the former, and we need now have no apprehensions of a disturbance of our present friendly relations'with France. i There are two great sections in England which, though subdivided into numerous cliques, truly, represent our modern age; the one is that which is Conservative, and the representative of old institutions; these, are in their way worthy of respect. And there is another party, which may be said to be the result oi advancement in learning, and more comprehensive views of political

economy. The one party would naturally have a regard to the House of Hamburg, which has the merit of antiquity, whilst the other would feel for the talented representative of a dynasty refounded by himself. In no age, perhaps, has such advancement taken place in regard to politics as in our own. That great bug-bear consistency, which was the by-word of party, warfare a few years ago, is becoming obsolete, at least in the way in which the jvord was then understood. It wa3 intKbse days necessary for a politician, even if he committed an error, to abide'by it; and he was bound by a- party influence which destroyed his1 individual independence. This class feeling was one of the great causes of the terrible, first revolution, which overthrew the family of Bourbon, destroyed the Bastille, and elected, upon a throne supported by nearly all the chivalry of France, a Corsicau adventurer. Such was the influence of that man's name, that those who in infancy were wont to be terrified by it, start even now like a swerving horse ai the mention of his nephew's. He died, and left behind him -a line of policy as a legacy to the land he had ruled; and we are told that this was a combination of the forces of Russia and France; to give Turkey and Constantinople to the. first, to take the Rhine for the boundary of the second; and the nephew, we are told, is pursuing his uncle's directions. The premises are incorrect, and the conclusion must be evidently so too. The great idea of the First Consul was, for England and France to join; and it was not-until after he had found his proffered alliance scouted by EngJand, that the Emperor entertained ideas of combining with Russia. He saw, and clearly, that with the Island Kingdom for an ally, her powerful fleet, if not actually protecting, was at least innocuous to hit large* seaboard. Can we be astonished al finding that enlightenment has opened the eyes of the statesmen of both countries now, and that they perceive a safety in tha! which the Toryism of a former age shrunk from. No matter how wrong a crowned head, it was sufficient for them to drain England of her means and men to support it; the voice of the people of the land was not recognised. - ' That there is a consistency now observed, is true; but in using this term, we are bound to define the meaning of it. Louis Napoleon was elected of theJ&e-t public of France; and it is orieiof the chiei accusations .brought against' him Iby :'' his enemies, that he ;has accepted thl highei title of Emperor. We are told that >it was done against the wishes of the people, and accomplished by. the fiied bayonets of -s bribed military.* Such reasonings,-come well from the red republican? "party, wtic would have earned a bloodier right to the name they had adopted had the power beer vested in their hands. The consistency -6\ Napoleon the Third is perfect; from hi* first attempt at Strasbourg, till he claimec the honor of an imperial throne,: he hai been steadily pursuing one undeViatin^ course; he has had in his view the seat o; Ruler of France, and he has persevering!} attained'it. That he oweamuch %o the influence of his family name, we are aware: but the French people have elected him and we.have had the good sense to recognise their choice, and introduce him as ar equal -to the* older and more constitutional sovereigns. < .' , It is not because we possess a form o: Government and representation which ir our own land we find work welli that w« should at once decry the way in whicr. other nations manage their own affairs, Words of hard meaning—despot, autocrat. &C:—are heaped upon the rulers of countries whose people prefer such institutions; and the character of some races is such thai they^equire a severe check to be held ovei them is a: hand and will of iron; but does it thence follow that the ruler of that land may not advocate the cause of an oppressed Ipgpple differing in governmental require"taS'enls from his own. lie Neiv\ York Tribune of May ?th publishes a beautiful specimen of American literature. Sown broadcast along the column are such expressions as " forsworn assassin," " despot,".,&c, &c, and contains the following blatant sentence:—" A despot who has waded to his throne through rivers of blood, or even crossed those rivers on pontoons of perjuries and lies." Such is the language from a country the excerpta of whose .electioneering speeches furnish such a recommendation of a candidate as follows ":—-" Whar was Gen'ral Jackson at that time, sirree? Why up to his waist in the blood of his enemies." The very liberty which America claims for herself to traffic in human flesh and blood, would be shuddered at by the French despot as they call him. True tyranny is at times perfectly consistent with true liberty; and people take offence at a word without examining the effects and causes. Who has not read the lines, of Byron:-— . ■■-..■■■ " The.tyrant of the Chersonese, Was freedom's best and bravest friend; Tnat tyrant was Miltiades." fhe Russian circular of Prince Gortschakoff shews that the desire of the Qzar is peace, Hid not war. ■ For if the secret treaty so much spoken about had existed, it would not have aeen from the Court of St. Petersburg that such a pacific document would have emaciated. We need say no more at present, we jelieve, to contradict the feeling which ilarmists have endeavored to excite with egard to the future policy of France. Should England—which may God avert — >c dragged into war, it will not be with her >]d Crimean allies; and we cannot- help tating our conviction that, in spite of all he cry raised against him, that we shall, hid open and straightforward conduct' nark the proceedings of.the French Emjeror; and that Italian liberty. is not used >y him as a cat's-paw for the attainment of ome hidden ulterior movement, which would , njure the balance of European power, eopardise the peace of England," and. the oimmercial prosperity of the whole world, i