THE COLONIST. NELSON, TUESDAY, NOVEMBER2, 1858.

Colonist, Volume II, Issue 108, 2 November 1858, Page 2

THE COLONIST. NELSON, TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 2, 1858.

Following up our remarks upon the relative duties and interests of mother countries and colonies, we proceed to the more detailed consideration of,the subject. In pursuing these, we shall concede at the outset that the 4uly of each is to pursue its own separate interest, and endeavor to shew at the same time that this separate interest is not and cannot he promoted by the sacrifice of one by the other, but that, on the contrary, thd interests of each will be beSt promoted by that mutual interchange of productions, industry, and friendly assistance, which it ;is as much for the welfare and happiness of nations as of individuals to cultivate, encourage, and practioe. With these axioms being admitted, we proceed, at once to the consideration of how far our mother country has performed her duty, or pursued her real interests, in the^policy she has observed towards her dependencies and colonies. The subject naturally divides itself into two branches,—though we have said they are identical—lst. The interest of the mother country ; 2nd. Those of the colonies. Here it may not be out *of place to notice one striking fact as applicable to this subject—namely, that the mother country, with scarcely any exception, has always been the first moving party in the alliance sending out to conquer or subdue, or seduce or cajole dependencies and colonies ; whereas these latter are rarely found to seek the protection of distant or even powerful States. Another equally striking fact is, that whatever can be shewn to be to the interest of the mother country will obtain a ready and favorable hearing at home, while the interests of the colonies are always regarded as of very minor importance, notwithstanding instances have occurred where the most insignificant of these possessions have been' thought of sufficient importance to cause the mother country to be guilty of breaches of faith, and even to go to war for their preservation or retention. Supposing, however, the origio of the connexion { to have arisen either out of conquest, discovery (as in our own case), or from commercial convention, it must be clearly the interest-of the mother country to make the colony— -first, as productive of wealth from its own resources— secondly, as formidable to resist invasion from a hostile power—and thirdly, as happy in its social compact, and as contented with its allegiance to the parent St.ate, as possible. And as it may be safely assumed that the motives with which nations seek colonies are to turn them to the best account, and detain that dominion for the greatest length, of time, it is clear that the purpose of the mother country itself will be best ensured by observing the policy before described. We proceed next to consider by what means these ends can be most speedily and effectually attained. The, riches of a colony must consist, first, in its pastoral or agricultural capabilities to. produce a surplus in articles of food and materials for exchange beyond the wants of the population, which of coui-se must be first fed, clothed, and supplied from the productions of their own industry before there can be any to exchange for foreign commodities, or a surplus in the shape of wealth of any sort. But this capacity of production beyond the mere wants pf

the immediate population, although an indispensable ingredient, and indeed the foundation of all national wealth, is not the whole that is requisite towards its formation. .It would lead us far beyond' the limits allotted to discussions of this nature to enter into the causes of the rise and fall of ancient dynasties; but to sum up the whole in a few words, we may safely say it would be easy to contract a scale by which it might be shewn that wherever knowledge and civil liberty have decreased, there nations have proportionally declined; and, on the other hand, where these have increased, nations have proportionably advanced from the stations they held at any previous period. And the experience of all history, as well as souud reasoning, clearly shews that a continuation of such a progressive state of tilings can only be maintained, not only by the free admission into, but by the encouragement of the mother country of the in. troduction of as much of the skill, capital, and enterprise of all other counfries as can be procured—but more especially those of its own. Next to the wealth of the colony, it is important that it should be as secure as possible from foreign invasion. Here again we are compelled to be content.with, mere stating the fact; but this we may say, that a colony held and controled by one or a few ruling individuals un.connected with the great mass of the people oyer whom they exercise despotic sway; (such a one as our contemporary would recognise in his " coming man"), and having for their defenders no fellow-subjects influenced by ties of relationship or unity of interests, must at all times be liable to fall a prey to any invader who may be able to turn the mass of the population against their taskmasters. The last in order, though not the least in importance, of the duties of the m'oiher country towards her colonies, is that of making her subjects resident in them as contented with their condition, and as firm in their allegiance, as possible. Without these we have seen that the parent state will be in danger of losing them on the first favorable opportunity for their successfully revolting. Reverting again to first principles, we may truly say, if lovCof power be "par eminence? the universal passion^—universal ease, m.-iy claim to share its dominion and influence; but neither ease nor power can be attained without the free enj >yment by which wealth, knowledge, reputation, and all the other component parts of that expressive'quality'or attribute— " influence," is acquired. ' iNow, among the first truths that men in a social state discover—and to which in theory universal consent is given, even by those whose practice is at war with such admission, whether in mother countries or in colonies, in savage tribes or civilised communities—are these: that every man should be free to,use the.powers of motion, thought, and speech, with which nature has endowed him, whenever by so doing he can benefit himself without injuring another, or impeding the legitimate objects of the Government to which he is>subject....' These, amongst others, are • the first principles of legislation which the rudest nations discover and act; upon in their intercourse with each other, in all cases in which the tyranny of some one man does not substitute his will for reason, and his sole mandate for law. . ' ; ' We may assume, then, that the surest way to make the inhabitants of any colony contented with their condition and faithful in their alliance, is to admit them by gradation to a participation in the powers of Government—to assimulate them, as much as possible, to the governing body in information, habits of freedom, and influence—to give the utmost scope for the free enjoyment of all the means that may offer for the improvement of their property and condition—to make that property under all circumstances secure to ils lawful possessor, and so to rule over them with that moderation and equity, and by the abstraction of the smallest possible amount of contributions from their industry, that on a comparison of their condition with that of any other colony of the same common parent, they may be convinced of the superiority of their own state, and be disposed from that conviction to reject every offer, and to resist every temptation, that might be presented to draw them from their allegiance.. Here again we find ourselves compelled to reserve for a future opportunity the few remaining observations which we have to offer upon this important branch of England's national policy.