DISCUSSED IN COMMONS.

Sun (Christchurch), Volume IV, Issue 960, 9 March 1917, Page 8

DISCUSSED IN COMMONS.

PREMIER OFFERS HOME RULE. WITH EXCLUSION OF ULSTER. Reuters Telegram). LONDON, March 7. The House of Commons was crowded in view of the Irish debate. A number of overseas representatives were present in the galleries. Mr T. P. O'Connor (Nationalist, Scotland Liverpool) moved:— That with a view to strengthening the hands of the Allies in achieving the recognition of the equal rights of small nations, and of the principle of nationality against the opposite German principle of militarism and government without the consent of the governed, it is essential immediately to confer upon lieland those free institutions long promised her. He appealed to the House to make a united and genuine effort to settle the Irish question. Mr O'Connor said that the manner in which the Government had dealt witli the Irish rebellion had transformed a friendly people into one fdled with bitter hatred. Many Nationalists had joined the ranks of the Sinn Feiners. Home Rule should be put into operation forthwith for the sake of Ireland, and the interests of England, the Empire, and our Allies. Major W. Redmond (Nationalist, Clare East) appealed for the obliteration of the old animosities between North and South. He appealed to Sir Edward Carson to rise to the demands of the situation, and to work with the Nationalists for the better government of Ireland. Ireland Unreconciled. Mr Lloyd George was loudly cheer.sd on rising. He said that any settlement acceptable to the Irish as a whole would be welcomed with delight by the United Kingdom. He grieved that some means could not be found of uniting Ireland in the interests of the Empire. The present Government did aot depart from the attitude taken up by their predecessors that there must be no attempt to settle the question in a manner which would provoke disturbince in one part of the United kingdom and divide the rest into wo warring factions. The disontent in Ireland was not discontent at material things, but the invincible fact remained that after all the record of beneficent legislation and material prosperity bestowed upon her, Ireland was no more reconciled to British rule than in the days of Cromwell. To place Ulster under the Nationalists' rule against her will would be as glaring an outrage on liberty and self-government as the denial of self-government to the rest of Ireland.

Coercion Unthinkable.

The Government was-prepared to confer self-government upon any part of Ireland which unmistakably demanded it—(cheers) —but the Government of the people of Great Britain was not prepared to force that portion in the north-eastern corner to submit to be governed by a population with which they were completely out of sympathy. He quoted extracts from Mr Asquith's speeches showing that the employment of force to coerce Ulster was absolutely unthinkable. Irishmen could at any time, with the substantial consent of all parlies, secure self-government for that part of the country which demanded it by an unmistakable voice, but no party could afford to demand that Ulster should be forced into a settlement. Ulster Will Come In. Mr J. Dillon (Nationalist, Mayo East) interjected: "This means you are trying to back out of Home Rule." Mr Lloyd George: "That is not true, and the honourable gentleman knows it. I have not deviated a hair's breadth from the line I have taken during the last live or six years regarding Ulster. Neither Mr Asquith nor myself ever contemplated the coercion of Ulster, which would mean a permanent division of Ireland. On the other hand, I believe that a frank acceptance of the position that Ulster can only be brought in when she expresses her willingness to come in is a hundred times more likely lo achieve a united Ireland than coercion. I believe that ultimately, and, at no distant date, Ulster will come in." The Government's Proposal. The Government therefore proposed to make an offer, beyond which the Government would not go, either during or after the war. In order to make the altitude of the Government clear, he would propose the following amendment:— That this House, while welcoming any settlement which will produce a better understanding between Ireland and the rest of the United Kingdom, considers it impossible forcibly to impose upon any section or part of Ireland a form of government which has nol its sanction. Replying lo an interjection by Mr Dillon regarding the Sinn Feiners, Mr Lloyd George said: My answer is that you may have self-government if you want it, but we won't put under your heels people who don't want it. (Cheers.) Mr Asquith Speaks. Mr H. 11. Asquith said he was not aware of the Government's intention to move an amendment which appeared to affirm a proposition that no one disputed. He therefore doubted whether it was worth while to record it. The Empire would greatly strengthen itself in the pre-

sent conflict if it secured an immediate settlement of this hitherto unsolvable problem. Despite legislation and administrative reform the situation in Ireland was not improving. lie thought it unlikely that there would bo a recrudescence of the insurrection or rebellion because the forces at the disposal of the Government were such that if such a foolhardy and desperate enterprise were contemplated, it would result in complete disaster. Suggestions for Settlement.

The expedients available reduced themselves to three:— (1) The Government, by negotiation, might bring the two parties to an agreed settlement by give-and-take processes. Personally, he believed this experiment was more unlikely to achieve success than in July.

(2) The irishmen of all parties might be appealed to to meet and arrive at a settlement among themselves. This would be most excellent, but he feared that it was impossible. (3) The only practical alternative was that Parliament should invoke the intervention of some outside and impartial authority which should be entrusted with the task of adjusting all the interests and sentiments concerned. This task might he facilitated by the presence among them of colonial statesmen. Any decision they reached would be subject to the final approval of Parliament. Mr Lloyd George asked: What would be the character of the body—would it report to the Government or have statutory powers? Mr Asquith said that he would not give their decisions statutory effect in advance. They must receive Parliament's approval. Mr A. Rouar Law (Chancellor of the Exchequer) said that Mr O'Connor's motion was an invitation to the House of Commons to join in a united, genuine effort to settle the Irish question. It did not indicate any change of attitude on the part of tiic Nationalist Party towards the war. That parly's attitude had surprised every student of Irish history, it was impossible to imagine that Great Britain, which was fighting for the rights of small nationalities, should be so inconsistent and unjust as to deny this right to Ireland. The formation of a Coalition Government gave the Nationalists the impression that their political opponents had triumphed and that Home Rule would never be allowed to become law. Mr L! :/d George had proposed an amendment welcoming any settlement of the Irish problem, but it was impossible to force Ulster to accept Home Rule without Ulster's consent. The Government was prepared to give the rest of Ireland Home Rule forthwith. He suggested a conference of Irishmen to settle the details. Mr Asquith had suggested that the services of the overseas statesmen in London should be utilised as an impartial authority to adjust all the interests, and that their decision should be subject to Parliament's approval. Mr Lloyd George had promised to consider this proposal. "Wait and See" Policy. Mr John Redmond (Leader of the Nationalist Party) said that Mr Lloyd George's professions in favour of Home Rule were absolutely unnecessary 10-day. As he had the power, if he had the courage, he would use it to carry his professions into practice. This was the time for action stripped of all expressions of goodwill. The naked reality of Mr Lloyd George's speech was that it was a policy absolutely of "wait and see." (Nationalist cheers.) The' Premier had made no proposal. He had suggested that negotiations should be reopened, but after the experience of the July negotiations the Nationalists would not enter into any more. The effect of the debate would be injurious to the best interests of the Empire. Germany Will Chuckle.

He was perfectly certain that Germany, which had long fomented disorder in Ireland, would chuckle with delight at the attitude Mr Lloyd George had taken up. Germany would know that Mr Lloyd George was playing right into the hands of the Irish revolutionaries. Nationalists Leave the House. Finally, Mr Redmond said that he had listened to Mr Lloyd George's speech with the deepest pain. It was absolutely futile to continue the debale, and be asked the Nationalists to withdraw in order to take counsel as to their next step. Mr Redmond then led the whole party out of the House amidst great Nationalist cheering and opprobious epithets against the Government benches.