Lloyd George

Stratford Evening Post, Volume XXXII, Issue 23, 21 December 1916, Page 5

Lloyd George

THE WAR BUSINESS. LLOYD GEORGE'S MESSAGE FORCEFUL AND LOCICAL. Press Assn.—Copyright.—Australian lian and N.Z. Cable Association. London, December 20. Mr Lloyd George in the course of his speech, touched on the personnel and intentions of the new Government. He remarked that he was anxious to avoid all issues that «s&ited irritation, controversy,, ana disunion. It must not be assumed that he accepted as complete the account which had been given of the way the Government was formed. He was convinced the controversies or the past would not help regarding the future. Therefore, so far as he was concerned, he placed them on one side. He spoke of the universal character and composition of the Government as an executive body. The House realised there had been separation between the functions of the Premier and the Leader of the House, because theße two offices were more than one. man could undertake. "Previous Administrations had been peace structures, organised for different purposes and different conditions. Craft suitable for a river or canal was not exactly the kind of vessel for the high seas. He was not here referring to the last Cabinet, but to the old system 'of Cabinet, where the heads of every Department represented the inside of the Cabinet. He was convinced the new form of government was the best for the war, where quick decision was necessary above everything."

A MEMORABLE SCENE. London, December 19. The House was crowded and every corner of the galleries and gangway was overflowing. The Peers' gallery was packed. Mr Massey and Sir Joseph Ward wfere in the Distinguished Strangers' Gallery, also the representatives of France, Italy, Belgium, and neutrals, including Mr Page (American Ambassador). The Strangers' Gallery showed more khaki than civilian dress. Women waited for hours in the corridor behind the Ladies' Gallery. Mr Lloyd George entered, looking pale as the result of his illness, which he has not yet shaken off. He was greeted with loud cheers on all siaes. Cheers also greeted Mr Asquith anu Mr Bonar Law. For the first time in his career, Mr Lloyd George confronted Mr Asquith, with whom were some of the fragments of the late Cabinet.

It was a remarkable scene when trie "little Welsh lawyer" in triumph took the floor, amid renewed cheering. His early sentences about the peace offer, and his declaration that the swashbuckling through the streets of Europe must be stopped, and that he would trust to an unbroken army rather than a broken one, at once brought him close to the sympathy of his hearers, and so the speech proceeded. "The answer will be given by our Government and in full accord with our brave allies. Naturally, there has been an interchange of views, not upon the Note, because it has only recently arrived, but upon the speech which propelled it, and, inasmuch as the Note itself is practically only a reproduction or certainly a paraphrase of that speech, the subject matter ot the Note itself has been discussed formally. , "I am very glad to be able to state that we have each arrived at identical conclusions. I am very glad the first

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answer was given by France and Russia, for they have unquestionably the right to give, the first answer to such an invitation of the enemy, who is still on their soil. Their sacrifices have been greater. To their answer, which has been published, on behalf ot the British Government I give a clear and definite -support. "A layman or a set of men who wantonly or without sufficient cause prolonged this terrible conflict would have on his soul a crime that oceans could not cleanse. On the other hand it is equally true that any man or set of men who from a sense of weariness Ot- despair abandoned the struggie without achieving its highest purpose wherefor they entered it would, be guilty of ihe coldest act of 1 poltroonery ever perpetrated by any statesman. "I like to quote the words of Abraham Lincoln under similar conditions: 'We have accepted this war for an object and a world object, and the war will end when that object is attained. Under God I hope it will never end until that time.' ,

"Are we likely to achieve that object by accepting the German Chancellor's invitation. What are the proposals ? There are none. To entei a conference on the invitation of Germany, proclaiming herself victorious, without any knowledge of the proposals she proposes to make, is to put our heads in a noose with the rope enas in Germany's hands. This country is not altogether without experience or these matters. "This is not the first time it/has fought a great military despotism overshadowing Europe, and it will rot 1)0 the first time, we have helped to overthrow military despotism. ! "We can recall one of the greatest of these despots,, when, seeking to work h<s ne-i farious schemes, his favourite device was to appear in the guise of. an angel of peace." . "He usually appeared under Those conditions when he wished time to assimilate his conquests or reorganise his forces for fresh conquests; or, secondly, when his subjects showed symptoms of fatigue or war weariness. His appeal was always made in the name of humanity. He demanded'to end the bloodshed whereat he professed himself horrified, but for which he himself was mainly responsible. Our ancestors were taken in once, and bitterly they and Europe rue it. The time was devoted to re-organising his forces for a deadlier attack than ever upon the liberties of Europe. Examples of that kind cause us to regard this Note in a considerable measure with reminiscent disquietude. "We feel we ought to know before we can give favorable consideration u> such an invitation that Germany is prepared to accede to the only terms whereon it is .possible for peace to L)«s obtained and maintained in Europe. These terms have been repeatedly stated by all the leading statesmen of the Allies. Mr Asquith has stated ttiexri repeatedly. It is important them should be no mistake in a matter ol life and death - to millions. Therefore, I will repeat them again, namely: Complete restitution, full reparation, and effectual guarantees. "Did the German Chancellor use a single phrase indicating he was prepared to accept such a peace? The very substance and style of his speech constitute a denial of peace on the only terms whereon it is possible. He is not even conscious now that

Germany Ims committed any ofFem-i----against the right of tree nations. Listen to this from the Note:— Not for an instant, have the Central Powers swerved from the conviction that the respect of rights of other nations is not in any degree compatible with their own rights and

legitimate interest. "When did they discover that there was the respect for rights of other nations in Belgium and Serbia? That was self-defence, I suppose. Meiiacej by the overwhelming armies of Belgium ?

"I suppose the Germans had »een intimidated into invading Belgium, burning cities and villages, and massacring thousands of inhabitants.cariying the survivors into bondage—carrying them" into slavery at the moment when the Note was being written.

"About the unswering on.ncticn respecting the rights of other nations, are thes<* outrages to be the legitimate interests of Germany? We must know. It is not a moment for peace if excuses of this kind for palpable crimes can be put forward two and a-half years: after the exposure by grim facts. "As to the guarantee, is tliere, I ask in all solemnity, any guarantee of a similar subterfuge not being used in future to overthrow any treaty of peace you may enter into with the Prussian militarists? This Note and speech prove that not yet have they learned the very alphabet of respect for the rights of others. "Without reparation peace is impossible. Are all these outrages against humanity on land and sea to be liquidated by a few pious phrases about humanity? Is there to be no reckoning for them ? Are' we to grasp the hand that perpetrated these atrocities in friendship, without any reparation being tendered or given? Germany leaves us to exact damage for. all future violence committed after the. war we have already begun. "It cost us much. We must exact it now, so as not to leave such a grim inheritance for our children. "Much as we all long for peace, deeply as we are horrified at war, this Note,* and the speech which heralded it, do not afford much encouragement or hope for an honorable, lasting peace. What hope is given in tbe speech that the whole root-cause 01 this great bitterness, the arrogant spirit of the Pnissian'milit'ary caste, will not be dominant as ever if wo patch up a peace'now?" (Cheers.) After pointing 'out that the 'speeen wherein the peace proposals were suggested resounded with the bouse or a Prussian military triumph, Mr Lloyd George declared : "We must keep a steadfast eye upon the purpose for which we entered the war, otherwise the great sacrifice we are making will be in vain. "Britain never appeared at her best except when confronted with a real danger. Let us for a moment look at the worst. The Roumanian blunoer was unfortunate, but, at the worst, it prolongs the war; it does not alter the fundamental facts of tbe war. 1 cannot help hoping it may even have salutary effects in calling the attention of the Allies to the obvious defects ot the Allies' organisation, not merely the organisation of each, but the organisation of the whole. If it <lpes that, it it braces them to, fresh ' it may prove, bad as it is, a" blessing. That is the worst. It has been a real setback. It is the one cloud, the darkest cloud, that has appeared on the clearing horizon. We are doing our best to make it impossible that the disaster should lead to worse. "That is why we have taken in the last few days a very strong action in Greece. We mean to take no risks there. We have decided to take dennite, decisive action, and I think wo have succeeded. We have decided so recognise the agents of that Ureek statesman, M. Venizelos." (Cheers). "The German Note states it is for the defence of their existence and freedom of national development that the Central Powers were constrained to take up arms. Such phrases defeat even those who pen them. They are intended to delude the German nation, supporting the designs of tno Prussian military caste. Whoever wished to put an end to Germany's national existence or freedom, or their national developments We welcomed their development as long as it was on the paths of peace. "The Allies entered the war to defend Europe, against the aggression of the Prussian military domination, and, having begun, we must insist that tno. only end is the most complete and eifective guarantee against the possibility that tbe caste will never again be disturbing the peace of Europe. Prussia, since she got into the hanus of that caste, has been a bad neighbor, arrogant, threatening, and bullying, shifting her boundaries at her will, taking one fair held after another from her weaker neighbors. "With her belt ostentatiously full of weapons of offence, and ready at a moment's notice to'Use them, she had always been an unpleasant and disturbing neighbor in Europe. It is difficult for those living thousands of miles away to understand what i« has meant for those living near her. Even here with tbe protection of tile broad seas between us, we know what a disturbing factor tbe Prussians were, with the constant naval menace, but even we can hardly realise what it has meant to France, and Russia. Now that war has been forced by the Prussian military leaders upon France, Russia, Italy, and ourselves, it would be a cruel folly not to see to it that this swashbuckling through the streets of Europe, to the disturbance of all harmless and peaceful citizens, shall be dealt with now as an offence against the law of nations. "I should like to say a word about the lessons of tbe ' lighting on tbe Western front, about tbe significance of the whole of that great struggle. It is full of encouragement and hope

An absolutely new army—the old one liatl done its duty, and spent itself on tlu- achievement of that great task—this new army but a| year ago was but ore in the earth o'f Britain, yea, and Ireland. It has become iron. (Cheers.) It has passed through the fiery furnace. The enemy knows it i' now line steel. This new army, new •men, new ofKi-era, ,new generals, faces the greatest army in the world, the best equipped and the best trained, and lias beaten them—(Loud cheers) —in battle after battle, day alter dav , week alter week, ill the

strongest entrenchments ever devised by human skill. They have driven them out by valor that is incredible. That is something which has given us hope, and fills you and all of us with pride in the nation to which they belong. "It is a fact full of significance tor us, and for the foe. (Cheers.) The enemy has seen that army grow under its very eyes, they becoming veterans. We are, therefore, basing our confidence upon these facts. I am as convinced as ever 1 was of ultimate victory, if the nation proves as steady and valorous, as ready to sacrifice, to learn, and to endure as that great army on the Somme." (Loud cheers.)

FOOD CONTROLLER. (Received 9.10 a.m.) London, December 19. Mr Lloyd George, continuing, said it was true to a certain extent you could make up the deficiency by Spring sowing, but that never produces anything comparable, to winter sowing. The submarine menace in this respect was not the most important consideration under these circumstances. The late Government decided to appoint a Food Controller and the latter would be assisted by the ablest experts in the House. At the head of the Board of Agriculture they had a man singularly gifted with as thorough a knowledge of the principles and practices of this question as any man in this or any other country.

MR ASQUITH FOLLOWS. A GENEROUS ATTITUDE. |l DEFENCE OF HIS GOVERNMENT. THE ONLY POSSIBLE PEACE. "ATONEMENT." ('Received 9.0 a.m.) London, December 19. Mr Asquith, who was loudly cheered, heartily congratulated Mr Lloyd George on attaining the Premiership. He re-echoed his disclaimer of party ties. He had not claimed the leadership of the Opposition because it did not exist, nor did he speak as Leader » of the Liberals. He desired to give tho Government all the support possible and the benefit of his experience. Though he was unspeakably relieved to have cast off the almost in support-

able burdens of office, be regretted having been compelled to leave xmfinished the task whereon he. so long strenuously worked. Though there had been errors of judgment and method, he emphatically denied that the late Government was guilty of slackness, want of thoroughness, and lack of wholeheartedness. It was impossible in war tune to reply to irresponsible mudslingers nor to honest patriotic onlookers. He would be content when the facts were disclosed to leave his Government and his own part to the judgment of history.

Mr Asquith reviewed the British contributions to the Army and Jsavy finance. Much had been done to minimise the results of the enemy's violatioii of maritime warfare. He believed that the arming of merchantmen was the best safeguard. Evidence existed that the blockade of Germany was sapping tbe German vitality, and turning tbe thoughts of the German people towards peace. He considered that the prospect regarding finance and transport was serious, but they did not justify misgivings, still less alarm, and the problems would not he'solved by shortcuts and coups de main, as outside critics imagined. He agreed with Mr Lloyd George's opinion that Jioumania had been a bad"business, but it was impossible and undesirable at present to apportion the responsibility. He illustrated his claim that it would be necessary • to have more intimate co-operation among the Allies' staffs and politicians, which would be geographically difficult. If Mr Lloyd George devised more expeditious communications, he would render the greatest possible service to the Allied cause.

Mr Asquitli paid a tribute to the Somme armies and General Sir Doulas Haig's generalship. The primary object of the Somme operations was to relieve Verdun, which for months was the principal objective of the Gorman strategy. The loss of Verdun would have been the greatest blow to the Allied cause ill the. war.

Mr Asquith asked why Germany although professedly confident of vic-

tory, had begun to utter suggestions of peace? Was it not the chivalry inborn of military and economic necessity? He did not see the slightest reason to believe that Germany was prepared to give reparation and security. II they were prepared let

them say so. Germany wanted vis to enter blind-fold into negotiations leading to nothing. The only peace worthy of the name could come, on one condition, via.,' Atonement made

for past wrongs to the weak and

downtrodden, a restored faith in ! treaties,' and the sovereignty of pubj lie law and security enthroned over the Nations of the world.

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