IRISH HOME RULE.

Stratford Evening Post, Volume XXXII, Issue 89, 13 April 1912, Page 5

IRISH HOME RULE.

DEBATE OX THE HILL IX THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. Mil ASQUITH EXPLAIXS. (By Electric Telegraph.—CopyrigVt.) (United Press Association.) London, lApril 12.

Tho House; of. Commons was crowded, and a loud shout welcomed the entrance of .Mr .Asquith, while .Mr Redmond, who alte red a few minutes later, was greeted with triumphant National cheers. Mr Ilonar Law and Mr Balfour were also cheered, hut a special ovation was reserved for Gir Edward Carson. As the Prime Minister rose there was tense silence. Mr Asquith paid a tribute, to Mr Gladstone’s 1903 speech, which was a perfect exposition of the historic case between Great Britain and Ireland. He would, he said, take up tho ease , where Mr Gladstone finished. He asked how far tho case for and against Home .Rule had been affected by subsequent events. Eight general elections had occurred since 1891. Party fortunes had ebbed and flowed, Governments had coma and gone; yet through the shifting issues of changing politics, with constant insistence and persistence, the Irish demands remained. He glanced at Ireland’s preponderant vote for Home Rule. Look at Lister (Unionist - cheers), where seventeen Unionists and sixteen Homerulers had been returned. (Ministerial cheers.) The hostility to Home Rule by a majority in the North-Eastern Counties was a factor not to he ignored in tho present Bill, hut he was unable to admit tho minority’s right to veto the verdict of the majority of their countrymen. Four important matters were reserved for the Imperial Parliament—tho Land Purchase Act (because the security of a system resting on Imperial credit must in nowise be affected by automatic transfer), constabulary, and the transfer of the Post Office Savings Bank. In a decade, if the Irish Parliament wished, they would deal similarly with old age pensions and insurance. The Irish Parliament would not he allowed to repeal or alter any provisions of the Home Ride Act, nor interfere with tho right of appeal to the Privy Council concerning the validity of th. law; passed by the Irish Parliament. Aftc; mentioning religious safeguards, he explained that Bills passed by Ireland would ha subject to tho Lord -Lieutenant’s veto. Regarding the Senate, ii was desirable to have representatives of the minority, who possibly would bo unrepresented if the Senate were elected. The Imperial executivejwpuld he nominated for eight years. Senators would retire in rotation, and their places would Ho filled by tho Irish Executive. (Unionists’ laughter.) Regarding the House of Commons, each constituency of 27,000 voters would elect a member. This would give Ulster fifty-nine members, Leinster forty-nine, Minister forty-seven, and Connaught twenty-five, and the Universities two. . In the event of a disagreement, the two Houses would' sit together. Air Asquith stated that tho improved conditions in social order have removed one argument formerly used against Home Rule. Other factors were the Local Government, Land Purchase, Labourers’ University, Old Age Pensions, and National Insurance Acts. These were a tary and inadequate rotoff vgainst the evils which Irishmen believed were due to overtaxation am. depopulation. He contended that the granting of an Imperial credit in working the land purchase and old age pensions systems made separation more unthinkable to Ireland. Dealing with the question from the standpoint of the United Kingdom and tho Empire, he emphasised the imperative need of emancipating the Imperial Parliament from local burdens, ’i hey would never got local concerns treated timcously or sympathetically until they had the wisdom ai 1 courage to transfer them to tho representatives of tho people affected. He empnarised the congestion ol business in the House of Commons. The existing system was centralised in impotence. Ho a shod bow.it was possible to ilis-j charge their duty to the Empire f .H.e ( referred to the grant of autonomy teAustralasia and South Africa and lee. self-government ol the r l ran; va:u, which were strictly analogous to Home Rule for Ireland. He would bo a bold man who would assert Dial l ister presented more difficulties than too Boers, with whom the Britons were living side by side in territory just recovering from an internecine war. In the case of Australia and South Africa tho object was to provide a central legislative and administrative authority to deal with matters of common interest to 'separate and adjacent States, while maintaining the utmost individual autonomy for local purposes. “We start,” he said, “with a congested central body which, if it intended to carry out efficiently the common interests oi the whole, must delegate local interesots to local management. Finally, the great dominions, although starting at opposite poles, wore all animated by the same spirit and attaining tho same goal. He was sure they all had hearty sympathy with the spirit and purpose of Home Rule. The first clause of the Bill stipulated the unchallenged supremacy of the Imperial Parliament. Ihe Irish Parliament would consist of tho King and two Houses, which were, according to the Bill, only empowered to malelaws exclusively relating to Ireland. The Bill excludes from the Irish Parliament questions dealing with tlm (frown, peace and war, control of the navy and army, treaties, dignities, treason and a number of other ’natters.

Tho oxocutivo would hr* tho stuno n:; i.i tlio ]S9-‘l Hill. finr.noinl !\"1 :il inns, ilu* flovriTiurnt Imd not

1 In' IVi in rnso Cnmininr.imi schoiiio, Imt li;u1 lionolitod by its sujj-

gestians. !is reports would ho presented to Parliament. The EstiinaW: [or the coming year showed the true Irish revenue to he about £IG,S!O,(KJO The expenditure on Irish services would ho about £l, 235,000. The Irish Parliament would pay the cost of all except the reserved services. The an-i mial grant of £500,000 would he gradually reduced to £200,000. The Im-j perial Parliament would continue to tax the whole kingdom, and the Irish Parliament would ho empowered to re duce or discontinue for Ireland any Imperial tax, provided the sum Imperially transferred to Ireland is ear respondingly reduced. The Irish Parliament would he empowered to inpose taxes on their own account, hut would not he empowered to impose Customs taxes, except upon articles dutiable in the United Kingdom, h would not he empowered to augment any Imperial duty or Customs or the Imperial income tax, hut was free in connection with stamp duties, although some of these would remain uniform throughout the Kingdom. The joint Exchequer Hoard would consist of two on each side, with a chairman nominated by the Crown to adjust financial relations. Irish representation at- Westminster would be based noon one member for every 100,000 voters. This would involve merging the majority of existing boroughs into counties. Hence .the Universities would cease to he represented. (Ministerial cheers.) There were between t won to and thirty self-governing legislatures now under allegiance to the Crown. Would one more break up the Empire P (Cheers.) The demand now emanated not from outlying quarters, but from a country near their own shores, hound by ties of kindred, associt led in every form of social and industrial movement, who had borne and were hearing a noble share in the up-building and holding together of the greatest empire. In closing, Mr Asquith quoted Mr Bonar Law’s statement in Belfast that the Government had sold the Constitution. (Unionist cheers and angry shouts from Mi nisterialists and Nationalists.) The Prime Minister challenged Mr Bonar Law to say what had the Government sold themselves for ? Mr Bonar Law; Votes.

The Prime Minister asked was Mr Bonar Law prepared t'o say that the G overnment had sold its conviction a. Mr Bonar Law. The Government haven’t any. Sir Edward Carson said that the Government’s scheme was fantastic, unworkable, and ridiculous. To talk about devolution all round was hypocrisy. The Bill was an irresistible weapon in the hands of the Nationalists. If they demanded separation it would deprive Ulster of the protection of the executive which was responsible to the British Parliament. The Government had introduced the Bill when the Constitution was in suspense, while the lying preamble to the Parliament Act was still in abeyance, and the whole affair was a disreputable bargain between tlic Government and the Nationalists. ■ There was,not one guarantee worth the paper whereon it was written. Ulster would oppose the Bill at every stage. Mr Redmond said that the principles devolving the management of local affairs upon local assemblies wasi the foundation of the Empire to-day. No community of white men ever asked for a right that had been refused. The Nationalists did not want separation. They stood where Parnell stood, willing to accept a subordinate Parliament as a final settlement. Financially, the Bill was far better than that of 1886-1893. He would without hesitation recommend it to the National Convention. In time it would turn Ireland into a happy and prosperous country. The Irish were never intolerant in religious matters, and were willing for any safeguards to be inserted to meet Ulster’s views. He r,noted Mr Gavin-Duffy’s pamphlet upon Australia’s experience in support of his view for a nominated Senate as far safer than a Senate elected upon a narrow franchise. Mr Redmond hinted that the Nationalists desired land purchase to he controlled by the Irish legislature. He concluded with an eloquent reference to the spirits of Gladstone and Parnell as dominating a historic scene. Incidentally, Mr Redmond referred to Sir Edward Car-

;:on’r; argument: If Ireland lias a right to Home Hide, Ulster lias an equal right. He asked if Sir Edward Carsou proposed this. Sir Edward Carson: Will you accept it? Mr Redmond: .1 would like the proposal made first. Mr MacDonald said that a nominated Senate would bo more democratic than an elected one. Far and near a single Chamber would he welcomed. He hinted that the Bill had been drafted with a view to its extension to England, Scotland and Wales. Mr O’Brien, reserving judgment on details generally, approved of the Bill, and if it was accepted as a final settlement it would involve some renunciation of dreams which the Nationalists formerly cherished. He regretted that the Cabinet had not accepted the recommendation of theii own expert committee, which favoured giving Ireland fiscal independence. Apparently Ireland was to have an excise which exhausted her source o. revenue and the power to devise nev. taxes, but Customs were to bo settled by the Imperial Parliament. He was afraid a dual control of the Iris; purse would not turn out happily. He congratulated the Covernmcnt upon its determination to complete land purchase upon Imperial credit. if the Irish people would accept the Bill be would give it bis loyal support regardboss of narrow sectional interests. Mr Balfour moved the adjonrnmeni of the House. PRESS COMMENTS. (Received 13, S,fs a.m.) London, April PJ. “The Times” states that federal-

ism is the only excuse for the retention of forty-two Irishmen whose function will be to vote larger subsidies to Ireland. A Senate nominated first by the Government in alliance with the Nationalists and shortly by the Irish executive was a i idiculous protection for the Unionist minority.

Lobby comments reveal no signs of a Liberal cave. Sir Clifford Cory intends to vote aggainst the Bill. Two other Liberals are doubtful. The Radicals criticise the nominated Senate, and suggest as an alternative that the Chamber be elected by proportional representation. Mr Samuel will explain the financial provisions on Monday. The “Times” states that Mr Asquith failed to explain that the Imperial Parliament was really making an annual grant of two millions. The “Standard” declares that the financial proposals are a combination of muddle and fraud. The net result is that Britain gives the Irish Exchequer two millions a year, and Ireland gets the army and navy for less than nothing. The “Chronicle” says the complexity of the Bill is a merit, as it shows that the details were well considered. It dislikes the nominated Senate. Colonial experience had shown that it was incompatible in a. democracy, and was an objectionable precedent for the reformed Lords. The “Daily News” states that the Bill is based largely on liberal lines. It regrets that the Irish are not given control of. Customs and excise. ' The “Westminster Gazette” disapproves of the nominated Senate.