BRITISH POLITICS.

Stratford Evening Post, Volume XXIX, Issue 143, 9 August 1911, Page 5

BRITISH POLITICS.

THE KING'S PREROGATIVE. MR. BALFOUR’S CENSURE MOTION. By Electric Telegraph.—Copyright. Limed Puss Association. London, August i. In movin ' the vote of ccnsnro, Air. Balfour was greeted on rising with prolonged 'cheering. He declared that in advising the Crown the Government had not acted in obedience to iho groat and overwhelming pressure of public opinion, but to further Parliamentary arrangements with the sections supporting them,, and in order to prevent the people pronouncing on Home Rule. The Government had dragged the King into a position wherein the prerogative was so issued as to arouse the indignation of nearly half the people of the United Kingdom. That was a cruel position for the advisers of the King to place His Majesty in. The King was the fountain of honour, and the Government was determined that the stream from the fountain should be poisoned and corrupted. He did net question that the Government, by searching the by-ways, would have nc difficulty in finding gentlemen willing to accept new honours upon tho terms imposed, but those gentlemen would be but supers in a sordid drama, wherein the Ministers wore the chiel actors. It would bo contrary to the whole spirit of constitutional Government to erect an executive authority which would manipulate either Cham-, her of Parliament. Mr. Balfour instanced tho United States, Canada, Australia, and South Africa, and asserted that in no cause had the executive of the Lower House been permitted to Hood the Second Chamber. “Modify or reform tlr. House of Lords if you like,” said Mr. Balfour, “but don’t pack it with hired voters until it becomes tho supple instrument of the executive’s will.”

Although all the Opposition members did not agree that immediate steps were necessary, continued the Leader of the Opposition, all were determined to resist the Government to the uttermost. Mr. Asquith for eight months bad kept secret what had passed between himself and the King, all the time masquerading as a constitutional Minister, although he had used the prerogative as no Minister or oven a King in the old days of the prerogative had dared to use it. ‘‘When this was realised,” continued Mr. Balfour, “the wise and sober opinion of the country will say that the constitution has been mutilated and shattered, and, cannot remain in tire ruine'd form in which Mr. Asquith left it.” THE PREMIER’S REPLY. London, August 8. Mr. Asquith said that, as was desirable, there would he no mystery or misunderstandings over a perfectly simple and correct transaction. “At the King’s strong desire,” said the Premier, “I am able , to disclose the communications which wore hitherto, confidential. The matter became urgent on April 9th, 1910, whex thereto resolutions were approved and the Bill introduced. King Edward was then on the Throne. A majority inside and outside the House of Commons were beginning to ask, not unnaturally, whether the elections wc-iv to be reduced to a nullity and matters again result in a futile deadlock. Accordingly, i on April 11th, after a careful consultation with my colleagues, we approved them am. communicated with the King, who was abroad. I used those words:— “In no case would 1 recommend a dissolution, except on conditions securing that the judgment of the people would be carried into law.” Mr. Asquith continued that this very plain language, which represented the deliberate policy of the Government, was so understood and accepted by friends and antagonists,' and that policy was announced while he was still King Edward’s Minister. “The only observation 1 make, in reply to Mr. Balfour’s very unhappy reference anent the new King,” continued the Prime Minister, “is that within a month of King Edward's reign prematurely and most unexpectedly ending, a political truce followed for the best part of six months. An honest, continuous, and well-inten-tioned endeavour was made by leading representatives of both parties to arrive at a settlement. .non the experiment broke down they reverted to the policy of April. After the fullest consideration 1 thought it right to advise a dissolution, but wo clearly opined that it would bo neither honourable nor justifiable to go .into an election blindfold. Many hard words had been used about me, but wo would have been rightly accused of treachery and trickery if we had gone into dissolution without an understanding. When wo came to the conclusion that it was our duty to advise the King to dissolve we accompanied our advice on the loth with this statement: “ ‘Your Ministers cannot take the responsibility of advising a dissolution unless wo may understand that in the event of the policy of the Government being approved by an adequate majority in the new House, your Majesty will be ready to exorcise your constitutional powers, which may involve your Majesty’s prerogative of creating peers if needed to secure that effect shall bo given to the decision of the country. Your Majesty’s Ministers are fully alive to the importance of keeping the name of the King out of the sphere of electoral controversy, and they take upon themselves the entire and exclusive responsibility for the policy which they will place before the electors. Your Majesty will doubtless agree that the intention of the Crown should not be made public.’ “His .Majesty, after discussing the I matter in all its hearings with my-

self am! Lord Crowe, felt no alternative but to assent. Accordingly, on November ISth, dissolution was announced.” Ho challenged the Opposition to say which is tho constitutional outlet now that the House of Lords insists on adding tho referendum to the Parliament Bill, which the country had deliberately repudiated. The country had been fully warned of the dangers of Home Rule. “You may think the nation misled, befooled and defrauded,” said Mr. Asquith, “but at the present moment there is no alternative for tho Government possile. No re.:per.silo Minister would counsel a third dissolution. It was no good blinking the facts; the country had to face a precise situation, 'justifying a wholly exceptional use of the Royal prerogative.” Mr. Asquith concluded by saying: “Lord Grey was accused of a breach of "the Constitution and treachery to the Crown, but 1 am not in the least sensitive to this cheap and ill-formed vituperation. I have served three Sovereigns, and have constantly striven to uphold tho dignity and just priviligcs of the Crown, but hold my office not only by favour of the Crown out in the confidence of the people. AM should bo guilty of treasion, indeed, if in tho supreme moment of a groat struggle wo were to betray the people’s trust.” (Vociferous cheers.) When Mr. Asquith ended, many Liberals were waving their hats and papers. Mr. Asquith then quoted the answer given to Lord Wedgwood in the Commons, and continued that if he had resigned the King woidd have sent for the Leader of tho Opposition, who would have been compelled to dissolve them. It was impossible to keep the name and authority of the King out of the arena of electoral conflict. Tho King doubtless thought that this was a matter which was peculiarly encumbent upon him to be safeguarded. Continuing, the Premier said: ‘1 never used, either publicly or privately, the word ‘guarantee’ or ‘pledge’ in regard to this matter. There was never any question of obtaining the Royal assent in advance to a cast-iron legislative scheme which was to he rammed through Parliament. It is perfectly certain the King’s consent would never have been granted to such a proposal. Tho Bill is approved in principle by the electorates, and therefore will be carried into law, but it is susceptible to any reasonable amendment which is not fatal to its principles. It was my strong hope and belief that the House of Lords would be prepared, without pressure, to give substantial effect to tho decisive wishes of the electors. Only when that hope was frustrated was tho King asked, and consented, to exorcise his prerogative, the circumstances being far stronger than those qf jj!B32.’/?’ i t oj ;■ The censure motion was lost by a big majority.