A Last Chance For Collective Security

Southland Times, Issue 23780, 30 March 1939, Page 4

A Last Chance For Collective Security

SIGNIFICANT aspects of the ’ situation in Eastern Europe are given prominence in the cable messages this morning. Diplomatic negotiations are being carried out between Britain, France, the Soviet Union and Poland, and although Mr Chamberlain is unwilling to make further statements until he is “in a position to make a complete one” he has given an assurance that other Governments have been informed as to what Britain is prepared to do “in certain circumstances.” This cautious advance at a time when delay seems especially dangerous may mean that the consultations are proving difficult, and that foreign statesmen are hesitating to accept commitments which will place them openly in alliance against the dominant European Power. In the meantime there are ominous signs that Germany, unfettered by democratic procedure, is ready for further action in the east. A few days ago it was announced that Poland had shelved negotiations with the democratic Powers and that henceforth she would look to her own defence. Immediately there were rumours that Germany had come to terms with the Polish Government. Yesterday, however, it was reported from Warsaw that conversations about Danzig’s future status were “out of the question.” At the same time semi-official quarters in Berlin drew attention to anti-German demonstrations at Bromberg and alleged that there had been attacks against women and children. According to a later message from Berlin these hints have become stronger, and follow so closely the lines adopted during the propaganda campaign against the Czechs that it may not be surprising if strong pressure is being exerted to bring Poland within the German orbit.

The Central Problem

These manoeuvres suggest that the position of Poland is the central problem now confronting the British, French and Russian Governments in their efforts to form a united front against aggression. If Warsaw submits to coercion from Berlin the problem of the democratic Powers will be made immensely more difficult. World opinion is clearly at a stage where a positive attitude towards the methods of fascist imperialism would be welcomed and widely supported. Although it has become fashionable to deny the validity of principle as a reason for resistance it is daily more obvious that an appeal to legality and justice in world politics is the soundest basis for a coalition against the lawless nations. American opinion, for instance, is indifferent to British policy while it is concerned only with its own “vital interests.” But it would be overwhelmingly in support of Britain and France if they declared their intention of resisting acts of aggression which destroy the hopes of security, not only in the area immediately threatened, but in all parts of the civilized world. Poland is not the kind of country to arouse a spirit of enthusiastic support among democratic peoples. Compared with Czechoslovakia, her political and social structure is backward. But in the present crisis she is becoming the symbol of a fate which seems to overhang the weaker nations today. If Britain delays too long in making a declaration against aggressors it may be too late to build up the united front among European nations which is essential for the maintenance of peace. Anything less than that would look too much like a last-minute scramble for alliances among nations that have been forced into defensive positions. It is only by checking the triumphant march of Nazism —and ajl that it represents to the civilized conscience—that an ultimate return can be made to the methods of conciliation and arbitration which are the foundations of collective security.