The Southland Times. PUBLISHED EVERY MORNING, Luceo Non Uro. MONDAY, MAY 3, 1926. THE ISSUE JOINED
The prophecies are fulfilled. Britain, on May Day, has been thrown into the arms of a general strike as a result of the breakdown in the coal negotiations, and evidently the Government is expecting a contest full of danger. On more than one occasion we have referred to the fact that the Continental Communists last year were quite definite in declaring there would be a big industrial upheaval in Britain on May 1 of this year, and that it was obvious that the extremists hoped to be able to exploit the situation to their own advantage. The withdrawal of the subsidy to the coal industry may have inspired these wise forecasts, but at that time the Coal Commission’s report had not appeared, and the attitude of the Baldwin t Government could not be anticipated with any certainty, because some members of the Ministry even to the last week were in favour of a tapering off of the subsidy, and it is probable that if something substantial in the form of an agreement had been reached in the negotiations the Government would have prolonged the subsidy to assist the industry to pass this crisis in peace. The owners abandoned their claim for district agreements, and accepted the demand that the discussions on wages should not be based on an eight-hours day, but they would not concede the rate of pay demanded by the workers, which was the scale made possible by the subsidy paid by the State. The withdrawal of the subsidy meant that the production cost had to be reduced by three shillings a ton to enable the coal-owners to show a small profit, and their argument was that this could not be secured without greater production through longer hours on the present scale or lower wages on the present hours, which are shorter than those worked in the Continental mines where the rate of pay is lower. On the other hand the miners contended that the high costs were due to the faults in management. Their claim for nationalisation was thrown out by the Coal Commission, although the earlier inquiry presided over by Mr Justice Sankey recommended nationalisation as a solution of the trouble. Investigations of the industry by independent experts did not confirm the Sankey Commission’s ideas, and it has to be remembered that nationalisation in industry has not been successful enough to justify the belief that it would decrease the cost of production. All along the owners contended that the troubles of the industry had an economic basis, and that the foreign market for coal was being lost because the collieries in other countries were able to undersell the British mines, while the high cost of fuel was having a detrimental effect on the Home market, and keeping up the cost of manufacture in other ■ industries. Nationalisation is a process easy to talk about, and the word is almost as “blessed” as Mesopotamia used to be, but the experience of the world is not yet happy enough to induce any country to go in for it lightly. The recent coal commission suggested several ways in which changes of organisation could bring about a reduction in costs, but the report clearly showed that these changes were of themselves not enough to provide a solution to the problem., It is fair to say that the public is entitled to look with suspicion on the plea for increased production when a glut of coal is apparent, but the owners in their reply to that criticism argue that if the price of coal were lowered the sales would be increased. Or. ' ; - ■ ’land, if that contention is sound, the reduction in the cost would have to bring the price lower than the figure made possible by the subsidy. Undoubtedly the call of the general strike has been made possible by the fear that the effort to secure lower wages in the coal industry is part of a raid on wages in all industries. Such an argument could not fail to bring other unions into line, whether it is or is not justified, and so for the first time the coal miners are assured of the active support of the general body of trade unionists. The result must be a situation graver than any which has faced Britain on the industrial field. For a long time preparations have been in hand on both sides, and the most serious part of this conflict is that there are elements in Britain, on both sides, which will not scruple to introduce the arbitrament of force if they can do it. Last year there were attempts to tamper with the Army, and other exhibitions of activity on the part of the extremists to prepare for a situation of the kind that has now developed. Moscow will not be idle. The leaders of the miners and the chiefs of the Trades Union Congress may be wholly innocent of any wish to play the Communists’ game, but Moscow will undoubtedly use this opportunity if it can to give the trouble a revolutionary twist. When a big industrial conflict develops there is always a lot of highly inflammable material about, and the astute propagandist finds it easy to gain his ends. Working among the rank and file with attractive propaganda they have a good chance to capture the masses behind the moderate leaders and push men, already in high temper, to extreme action. This is the danger which the leaders of the strikers and the Government are facing, and they both know that no matter how well they have prepared the danger is everpresent. A prolonged strike on the coalfields would have crippled industry for a time, and the expansion of the trouble past the limits of the coal industry as a material factor is not such a serious matter, but as an indication of the attitude of the workers is is serious. The blow to British industry will be heavy even if the strike is of short duration and the effect on the markets generally will be marked. Both sides seem to have made an effort to involve Continental collieries in their preparations, and it remains to be seen how far they can carry their arrangements into effect. The Continental miners will not relish any development involving them in a cessation of work. While the British coal export trade is suspended they will reap a richer harvest in the outside markets and they will prefer to gain ground in this field to a sympathetic strike. It is too soon tounake any forecast * of the course events will pursue. The true
character of the strike will not be disclosed for some days yet, but in the light of the events of the first twelve months, people must be prepared for anything, One section of the dominant political party will undoubtedly press for strong action and this may be necessary if the conflict runs for any length of time. If that line is taken the conflict may be sharp and serious, but Mr Baldwin will probably seek to find some way out which will bring about a settlement without giving the extremists the chance to say that the Government’s weakness was the cause of its anxiety to make peace. The situation is complicated by the Red cloud threatening all the while to catch up both sides in its fury—Britain’s enemies will, be pleased by the outburst of strife, and her fiercest foes are to be found in Russia, where Zinoviev still leads the Third International.
Permanent link to this item
https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/ST19260503.2.19
Bibliographic details
Southland Times, Issue 19859, 3 May 1926, Page 6
Word Count
1,270The Southland Times. PUBLISHED EVERY MORNING, Luceo Non Uro. MONDAY, MAY 3, 1926. THE ISSUE JOINED Southland Times, Issue 19859, 3 May 1926, Page 6
Using This Item
Stuff Ltd is the copyright owner for the Southland Times. You can reproduce in-copyright material from this newspaper for non-commercial use under a Creative Commons BY-NC-SA 3.0 New Zealand licence. This newspaper is not available for commercial use without the consent of Stuff Ltd. For advice on reproduction of out-of-copyright material from this newspaper, please refer to the Copyright guide.