IRELAND

Southland Times, Issue 17969, 9 March 1917, Page 5

IRELAND

HOME RULE QUESTION. DEBATE IX THE HOUSE. A RESOLUTION MOVED. (By Telegraph—Press Assn. —Copyright) (Australian & N.Z. Cable Association.) LONDON, March S. Received March 8, 8.5 p.m. In the House of Commons Mr T. P. O’Connor moved that with a view to strengthening the hands of the Allies in achieving the recognition of equal rights for small nations, and the principle of nationality against the opposite German principle of militarism and government without the consent of those governed, it is essential to immediately confer upon Ireland the free institutions long promised her. He appealed to the House to make a united and genuine effort to settle the Irish question.

STATEMENT BY LLOYD GEORGE. COERCION OF ULSTER UNTHINKABLE. PEACEFUL SETTLEMENT HOPED FOR. LONDON, March 8. Received March 8, 11,45 p.m. In the House Mr T. P. O'Connor said that the manner in which the Government had dealt with the Irish rebellion had transferred a friendly people into one which held bitter hatred. Many Nationalists had joined the ranks of the Sinn Feinners. Home Rule should be put In operation forthwith for the sake of Ireland and the interests of England, the Empire, and the Allies. Mr Redmond appealed for the obliteration of old animosities between the north and south, and appealed to Sir E. Carson to rise to the demands of the situation and work with the Nationalists for the better government of Ireland. Mr Lloyd George, who was loudly cheered, said that any settlement acceptable to the Irish as a whole would be welcomed with delight in the United Kingdom. He was grieved that some means could not be found for uniting Ireland in the interests of the Empire. Mr Lloyd George said that the present Government did not depart from the attitude taken up by their predecessors. There must be no attempt to settle the question in a manner which would provoke a disturbance in one part, or the United Kingdom would be divided into two warring factions. The discontent in Ireland was not material, but the invincible fact remained that after all the record of beneficent legislation, and material prosperity, Ireland was no more reconciled to British rule than in the days of Cromwell. To place Ulster under Nationalists’ rule, against its will, would be as glaring an outrage on liberty and self government as the denial of self government to the rest of Ireland. The Government was prepared to confer self government on any part of Ireland which unmistakeably demanded it. (Cheers). But the Government and people of Britain were not prepared to force a portion of the north-eastern corner to submit to be governed by a population with which they, were completely out of sympathy. Mr Lloyd George quoted extracts from Mr Asquith’s speeches, showing that the employment of force to coerce Ulster would be absolutely unthinkable. Irishmen could at any time, with the substantial consent of all parties, secure self government for that part of the country which demands it by an unmlstakeahle voice, but no party could afford the demand that Ulster should be forced into the settlement. Mr Dillon interjected : This means that you are trying to back out of Home Rule. Mr Lloyd George : That is not true. The honourable gentleman knows it. I have not deviated one hair's breath from the line taken for the last five or six years regarding, Ulster. Neither Mr Asquith nor myself contemplated the coercion of Ulster, which would mean the permanent division of Ireland. On the other hand I believe that a frank acceptance of the position is that Ulster can only be brought in when she expresses her willingness to come in, and this is a hundred times more likely to achieve a united Ireland than by coercion. I’believe that ultimately, and at no distant Ulster will come in. The Government therefore proposed an offer, beyond which the Government Would not go, either during or after the war.

THET HOUSE CROWDED. MR ASQUITH’S SUGGESTION. MR REDMOND DISSATISFIED. NATIONALISTS LEAVE THE HOUSE. LONDON, March 8. Received March 8, 11.35 p.m. The House of Commons was crowded for the Irish debate, and a number of overseas representatives were in the galleries. Mr Redmond had recovered sufficiently, to attend. Mr O’Connor said his motion was an invitation to the House of Commons to join in a united and genuine effort to settle the Irish question, and did not Indicate a change of attitude by the Nationalist party towards the war. It was impossible to imagine that Britain, which was fighting for the rights of the small nationalities, would be so inconsistent and unjust as to deny this right to Ireland. The formation of a coalition Government gave Nationalists the impression that their political opponents had triumphed and Home Rule would never be allowed to become law. Mr Lloyd George welcomed any settlement of the Irish problem, but it was Impossible to force Ulster to accept Home Rule without Ulster’s consent. He said that the Government was prepared to give the rest of Ireland Home Rule forthwith, and suggested a conference of Irishmen to settle details. Mr Asquith suggested that the services of overseas statesmen in London be utilised as an impartial authority to adjust all interests, their decision to be subject to Parliament’s approval. Mr Lloyd George promised to consider the matter. Mr Redmond said he had listened to Mr Lloyd George’s speech with the deepest pain. It was absolutely futile to continue the debate. He asked Nationalists to withdraw and take counsel as to the next step, Mr Redmond then led the whole party out of the House amidst great Nationalist cheering, and approbrious epithets against the Government benches.

LLOYD GEORGE’S AMENDMENT.

MR ASQUITH’S SPEECH. THE ONLY PRACTICAL ALTERNATIVE. MR REDMOND BITTER. GERMANY WILL CHUCKLE. LONDON, March S. Received March 0, 12.40 a.m. Mr Lloyd George, replying to Mr Dillon’s interjections regarding Sinn Feiners, said;- —My answer is; 1 ou may have self-government if you want it, but we won’t put under your heels people who don’t want it. —(Cheers.) In order to make the attitude of the Government clear, Mr Lloyd George concluded by proposing the following amendment: —

•'The House, while welcoming any settlement which will produce a better understanding between Ireland and the rest of the United Kingdom, considers it impossible to forcibly Impose upon any section or part of Ireland a form of government which has not their sanction.”

Mr Asquith said he was not aware of the Government’s intention to move an amendment, which appeared to affirm a proposition that no one disputed, and therefore he doubted whether it was worth while to record it. The Empire would be greatly strengthened in the present conflict if it could reserve an immediate settlement of a hitherto insolvable problem. Despite legislative and administrative reform the situation in Ireland was not improving. He thought It unlikely that there would he a recrudescence of the insurrection, because the forc&s at the disposal of the Government were such that if such a foolhardy and desperate enterprise was contemplated it would result in complete disaster. He wanted to make a practica' contribution to the debate. The expedients reduced themselves to three. First, the Government by negotiation might bring the two parties to an agreed settlement by a give and take process. Personally he believed the experiment was not more likely to succeed than in T uly.

Secondly. Irishmen of all parties might be appealed to to meet and arrive at a settlctnent among themselves. This was most excellent, but he feared it was impossible. The only practical alternative was for Parliament to invoke the intervention of some outside impartial authority entrusted with the task of adjusting all interests and sentiments concerned. This task might be facilitated by the presence among us of colonial statesmen. Any decision they reached would be subject to the final approval of Parliament. Mr Lloyd George asked what would be the character of the body. Would it report to the Government or would it have statutory powers?; Mr Asquith said he would not give its decisions statutory effect in advance; they must receive Parliament's approval. Mr John Redmond said that Mr Lloyd George's professions in favour of Home Rule were absolutely unnecessary to-day, as he had the power, if he had the courage to use it, to carry his professions into practice. This was a time for action. Stripped of all expressions of goodwill, the naked reality of Mr Lloyd George's speech was a policy absolutely of Wait and see. (Nationalist cheers). The Premier made no proposal. He had suggested that negotiations should be reopened, but after the experience of the July negotiations, he would not enter any more. • The effect of the debate would be injurious to the best interests of the Empire. He was perfectly certain that Germany, which had long fomented disorder -in Ireland, would chuckle with delight at the attitude Mr Lloyd George had taken up. Germany would know that Mr Lloyd George was playing right into the hands of the Irish revolutionaries.