Jacob and Esau

Southland Times, Issue 15074, 19 October 1901, Page 4

Jacob and Esau

TO THE EDITOR. SlK,— Conferences and branch meetings of the N. Z. Farmers' Union are being' held in different parts of the colony, and from the discussions thafc tako place thereat it, is apparent that considerable difference of opinion * exists regarding the purpose for which the Union has come into existence. What was done or said afc the conference held at Ashburton and at tho Woodlands branch meeting — both last week — will show how wide this difference of opinion is. At Ashburton the " name adopted is to include the terms * workers' " ; which should make the title .read "Farmers' and Workers' Union." That, without qualification, would includ e practically anyone who chooses to join the Union. Ifc was further agreed that ladies should be" admitted as members. That is • truly a lengthening of the cords and a strengthening of the stakes of the Union and is just what it should be— A union of the colonists of auy trade or calling, or without a trade or calling, fco oppose trade unionism. Now let us take the measure of the idea that ruled at Woodlands regarding what the Union should aim at. The night of the meeting was stormy, but the calm which attends unanimity of opinion reigned in tbe meeting house. Mr James MeKerchar, who presided, said that some misconception existed regarding tho platform of the Union. " Some thonght the Union was originated for party purposes. This was altogether wrong, the Union having nothing to do with any party or Government." Its only desire was to have unity among farmers in matters affecting their interests. Then Mr MeKerchar gave an account of what was done at the Milton conference, and said the most noticeable feature of that conference was fche enthusiasm and unanimity which prevailed. Those who read the resolutions passed at the Milton conference know that nearly every one of them demanded something from the Government for the special and exclusive benefit of farmers. If Mr James MeKerchar and the Milton conference have sounded the true key-note """*- -of farmers'" unionism, then I affirm thatthe hand of the Farmers' Union will be against i every other man's hand, and the hand of every other man will naturally turn against the Farmers' Union. Between these two Unions — Trades Union and Farmers' Union — the ordinary colonist will have a bad "time of it. He will find himself in a similar situation to that which John Barleycorn met with at the hands of his enemies, who — " Took a weapon long and sharp and cut him by the knee ; Then tied him fast upon a cart like a rogue for forgery. " But a miller used him worst of all, for he crushed him between two stones. Trade Unionists have cut their victims by the knee and left them to fight upon their stumps, like Witherington, the hero of Chevy Chase, and tied them fast like " rogues for forgery," not upon a cart, but in their own workshops and factories. The contention pnfc forward by some of the leaders of the Farmers' Union is that the Union is a non-political organisation. Mr MeKerchar says the Union can have nothing to do with any party or any Government. And yet the main object of the Union, go far as that object has yet been disclosed, is to get as much as possible from the Government for farmers. Is not that having to do with Governments, and of the very essence of politics ? One of the published rules of the Union says : "If candidates for seats in Parliament refuse to pledge themselves to support measures for the benefit of farmers, unionists are advised not to vote Jfor such candidates." It is absurd to pretend that the Farmer's Union can be kept clear of politics. Politics permeate colonial life throngh and through. We are hedged about on every hand by politics. Is it not politics that has brought about the state of things which has driven farmers throughout the colony to combine for mutual protection ? Is it not in the Arbitration Court — the facsimile of Queen Elizabeth's Star Chamber — where the blackest tyrannies that ever disgraced a free country are perpetrated ; the product of politics hatched by trade unionists. And should not the political battering-ram be first directed against this Court for its demob tion ? With the fall of this Court trade unionism would be shorn of its power to oppress, like Samson shorn of his hair. The Farmers' Union must choose one of two courses ; either to play the part ,'■-■;-' of deliverer of the colony from trade unionism or adopt the same tactics that trade unionists have practised to obtain all thej 7 can from Parliament for themselves,' regardless of who suffers by llifi process. There is no np.'iVfSJfground in this contest. The fartfiing industry is often called the backbone b^ -.of the country, and for all practical purposes ■*" it is sor TKtS'industry is the chief support of all other industries. It is its exports that pay for our imports, and pay for nearly all that ia due by tradesmen in towns, except such demands as the gold miner creates, and a few other small industries. And the larger the demand made upon the wages fund, created by the farming industry by those who cater for it, the less there must be left for division among the farmers themselves. Tnat is taking a socialistic view of the matter ; regarding the colonists as one great family, each working to create a wage fund, which shall be dealt with according to socialistic principles, and these are the lines which Parliament and Government profess to follow. But what plan of division have they adopted? They have said to the bricklayer, "Thy portion shall be ls 6d per hour ; " and to the carpenter, ditto ; and to the engineer, ditto; and to all similar tradesmen, . ditto. These are the Benjamins of the family. Then when dealing with those engaged in the clothing and provision departments — such as tailors, weavers, butchers, bakers, etc. — they came down to ls 3d per hour, and so on through the whole household ot caterers. But where is the farmer and liis helpers and their portion ''. Alas, alas ! they are like Esau who, defrauded of Ms birthright by his brother Jacob, lifted up his voice and cried to his s '-. ..-. fgjjiea. Jsajuy "l am thy firstborn, Esau. Bless me, even me, OI my father. And he said, thy brother came with subtlety, and hath taken away vthy blessing." And so it is with the f&rraer. He cries unto father Seddon, "I am thy firstborn: hast thou not one blessing, my father, even for me. "And he said ; "By thy sword shalt thou live and serve thy brother, till thou break his yoke from offthy neck." This analogy applies wit h - peculiar force fco the relative positions occupied by the tradesmen and agriculturists — fche fiist and second born of the oolony. f And this subordination of the firstborn to second bota is all that has been achieved by the heroic labour legislation. So far, this labour legislation hag been successful, but its succesß has been achieved at the cost of a crnel injustice to the firstborn of the land— the agricultural interests.. And this arbitrary wage-fixing can extend no farther. If it invades the domain of agriculture the effects to the wage-earner would be disastrous. The law which rules in this field .' __ of labour is superior to the laws made by the New Zealand Parliament ; it is the law pf supply and demand which fixes the price of the New Zealand agriculturists' wages and profits. Of what value then is the sucoess achieved by our boasted labour legislation. Poor Hodge has been stripped of his coat to provide the means to his younger brother of fche town to indulge in riotous liviug. Will Esau break the yoke from off his neck ? Will the dukes of Edom, the rough and hairy men of Monnt Seir, use fche power which is in their hands to free themselves and the colony from the missrule which is oppressing ifc ? Will they rise to •' - the dignity of deliverer, or will they grovel at fche feet of fche divider of spoils to secure a few favours to themselves?" — lam, etc., T. Buxton. Ocfc. 14.