GRAND ART UNION.

Pelorus Guardian and Miners' Advocate., Volume 29, Issue 43, 5 June 1917, Page 8

GRAND ART UNION.

The art union of freehold town properties, in aid of the Wounded Soldiers’ Fund, is still open, and those who have not yet assisted this worthy cause, or who wish to increase their chances of drawing the valuable prizes offered should apply for books without delay. Particulars Of the prizes will bo found in our advertising columns. Tickets, which are only one shilling each, may be obtained at the “Guardian” office.

be inclined to act as rognes; but if you treat them as honourable men, they will act honourably, whatever their rank in life. The first of these two principles has, unfortunately, too often been acted upon, both by Capital and Labour. If only the latter were in future acted upon as a rule of conduct on both sides, things would soon be on the way to a settlement. The danger of making concessions is another objection which has been raised. No doubt, profit-sharing, at first sight, appears to be a great concession, although if it lead to an increased output, the greatness of the concession would he largely discounted. Anyhow, the question is, are Capital and Labour to go on fighting one another as separate entities, or are they to try to bring about a just union and peace t The time to make concessions is to make them before you are obliged, and because you think it just they should bo made. We take the place of the criminal in the dock if, believing concessions should be made, we wait until we are forced to make them. This same argument as to the danger of making concessions was urged at the time of the quarrel between Britain and her American Colonies, and, backed by a German king of England, unfortunately prevailed, with the fatal result that the American Colonies definitely broke away from Great Britain. It may be further objected that in making a proposal of this kind I am, as a farmer, rather giving away my class. I claim to approach the subject, not as one of a class, but as we all are, a member of that Empire whose welfare we all have at heart, independently of our own particular aim and interests. The main thing is to lay the foundations of the new order of things on a groundwork of fellowship and goodwill. , Another point raised is the need for extreme deliberation and caution before taking such a step as the calling for a conference between Capital and Labour on this question. It may be assumed, however, that developments in the relationship of the two, after the war, are likely to be rapid. Any exibition of goodwill, made now, may help to determine the lines-on which those developments shall run. Bearing upon this point, a writer in the 'Round Table,' in an article on ‘Reconstruction Problems,’ lays stress upon the reconciling influence of mutual knowledge and understanding and a sense of common duty, and that these canarise except as the result of frank and open conference. He says: "The first step to put into action the aspirations towards goodwill which the sacred memories of the war are stirring on both sides is the establishment of representative committees in the various industries to meet and discuss the problems of their common work. While we are thinking of re-construction and re-establishing the public law of Europe, let us not forget the work of reconstructive organisation on similar lines at home. Every section of the people is hearing its full, share of the burden of the war, and all classes are being knit closer together by the sacrifices they are making for tho one cause and the one Empire. The common danger has made us all realise more deeply than ever before, that a State, and our own State in particular, is something nobler than a collection of hostile groups preying upon one another. It has made us see that the State is, or should be, a community—a body of persons having common rights, interests and obligations. Without unity, there can be no real community." It may fairly be objected that the profit-sharing scheme involves more book-keeping than the average farmer would care to undertake; but that is merely a mater of education, and tho farmer would in the long run benefit by having his affairs set down in a business-like way. In any case, no progress worth having can bo made without a corresponding amount of trouble. If we honestly wish to face what Mr Bonar Law calls the problem of securing a fair distribution of wealth without drying up the sources of wealth, we have to make up our minds to overcome difficulties. The definite settlement , of labour troubles throughout the Empire would prove a nobler monument to those who have fallen than any temple raised with hands. It would, moreover, bo a monument to which all might contribute a little by casting aside old prejudices and antagonisms, and bringing conscience, to bear on all our human relationships. Sacrifices will have to be made, I admit. But if the former is ready, as the war has proved, to make the sacrifices he has done in tha cause of external and international probity and peace, should he not be ready to make still greater sacrifices to attain a state of internal and domestic probity and peace, and so worthily carry on the work of those whose blood, on laud and sea, in these last three years of trial, has laid the foundations of an Empire new-born unto righteousness, and with every promise of a fair future before it; and it is because the realisation of that promise depends so largely upon the relationship between Labour and Capital, and because I believe that giving everyone a direct interest in the result of his labour would certainly put that relationship on a sure footing, that I move this resolution: —

“Believing that the future of the Empire depends on the friendly cooperation of Capital and Labour, this meeting urges the calling of a conference between the various Unions representing those engaged in the farming industry-to discuss a system of Minimum Wage and Profit-sharing as applied to the land” ' —R. D. Fell.