Poverty Bay Herald PUBLISHED EVERY EVENING GISBORNE, MONDAY, FEB. 15, 1937. LABOUR IN AMERICA

Poverty Bay Herald, Volume LXIV, Issue 19249, 15 February 1937, Page 4

Poverty Bay Herald PUBLISHED EVERY EVENING GISBORNE, MONDAY, FEB. 15, 1937. LABOUR IN AMERICA

The agreement between the employers and workers in the United States motor industry brings to an eyd the second of the two major disputes which paralysed American industrial activity for a period of some weeks. The shipping and waterfront strike which was recently terminated lasted for more than three months and was responsible for serious dislocation of trade, while the hold-up in motor munufaeture, although not so long standing, had widespread reactions on one of the principal in dust ties of the country. As with most strikes, neither side has emerged re,ally victorious and the enormous loss entailed by the absence of employment and the diminution in product inn is never likely to be compensated by whatever gains may have been made by either party. In this particular case, there 1 is even less reason for jubilation, for there is no assurance whatever that the differences between the parties have been finally settled. On the contrary, the present, state of labour conditions in the United States suggests that an era of industrial discord is opening rather (lain closing. It is apparent that the labour unions are in a militant mood, and although it is claimed with rather unpardonable pride that the motor strike ended without a

single fatality, it cannot be forgotten that the strikers in this ease openly defied the law and that in Ihe case of tin* seamen's strike there were a number of ugly outbursts of violence.

Industrial peace cannot be expected while grievances remain, and because there are innumerable grievances in the I'ailed States it is far front unlikely that long and bitter strife will occur. l! is a remarkable fact that, in such a highly industrialised country its America, the organisation of the workers lags so far behind that of other countries. Trades unionism as it exists in other parts of the world is largely unknown and the principle of collective bargaining in fixing conditions of labour is widely disputed. For I his position, there is, of course, an explanation. In the early (lays of American development, industry progressed so rapidly that the demand for till forms of labour invariably exceeded the supply, with the result, that the worker was in a position to dictate his own terms. In the latter half of last century, however, there ,vas a radical change in conditions, the labour market being flooded by wave after wave of immigrants from Europe. These new arrivals, largely

driven out of their own countries by political and economic tyranny, were mainly of a servile class whose .standard of living was extremely low. Instead of a shortage of labour, particularly of the unskilled variety, there was now a glut, and it was the employer who was in a position to exploit the situation. It is true that the federation of Labour was formed and was able to some extent to regulate working conditions, but the federation was interested almost solely in tlm skilled worker and attempts to organise the great mass of unskilled labourer's, comprising many nationalities and including millions to whom the worst American conditions were better than those to which they had been accustomed, were futile. The result was a striking diversity in both wages and conditions, the high wages received by the skilled man, and so frequently quoted to ilie rest of the world, being the exception, and poor payment and sweated conditions being the rule. With the. post-war expansion of industry and a reduction in immigration, the position tended to right itself, but with the advent of the depression and the consequent oversupply of labour the exploitation of the worker was again evident.

This is largely the position at the present time, and mainly the cause of the existing industrial unrest. The workers tire at the mercy of the doctrine of supply and demand and there is no constitutional method for regulating the conditions under which they are employed. The claim of the unskilled workers to organise themselves into unions for the purpose of collective bargaining is comparatively new—and, indeed, was impracticable until a halt was called to the unrestricted flow of immigrants—and is regarded as so reactionary a step that it is being strongly opposed by a majority of the large industries. It is a case of old habits dying hard, but there can be little doubt of the final result. The rights of free organisation and collective bargaining were, in fact, conceded by the famous National Recovery Act which was subsequently held to be invalid, but it is certain that the principle established by that Act will ultimately be introduced into the industrial life of America. In the meanlime, the organisation of labour has been given a stimulus, both by the provisions of the Act and by the advent of new and more vigorous leaders, and it is certain that unionism will play a much more prominent part in the future life of the nation. Hitherto, American labour has been discouraged from participation in the political field, but it seems probable that the latest development will, sooner or later, lead in this direction. Only now are the workers beginning to realise their potential strength, and on the manner in which this strength is used and the extent to which the employers are prepared to make reasonable compromises will largely de pernl the whole future of American i adust rv.