Poverty Bay Herald PUBLISHED EVERY EVENING GISBORNE, SATURDAY, JAN. 5, 1935. A EUROPEAN PACT

Poverty Bay Herald, Volume LXII, Issue 18596, 5 January 1935, Page 4

Poverty Bay Herald PUBLISHED EVERY EVENING GISBORNE, SATURDAY, JAN. 5, 1935. A EUROPEAN PACT

The importance of the efforts to negotiate an agreement between central aad southern European Powers can hardly be exaggerated, for there i,« no doubt that it presents the one certain means of preventing what might easily become a serious international conflict. It is. perhaps, the very seriousness of the situation' that has prompted ttalian and French statesmen to make an nlmosl desper ate effort to conclude a. pact and nven a catastrophe. It is a somewhni piquant position that the one country Ihiit ta the immediate cause of concern, Austria, should not be included in Iho discussions. The fact is, of course, that since the war Austria ha> become the cockpit of Europe, and although ii i.«j not suggested that she would herself precipitate trouble, it i.s generally recognised that *he might be the. helpless cause of it. The country, of course, is not without its internal dissensions, for it has not been very ably led by a succession of minority Governments. The people. as well as the politicians, are divided on more questions than one, and, in the. background, waiting an opportunity for taking advantage of this discord is Nazi Germany, which, anxious to regain some of its lost prestige, seeks to compel a union of Austria with Germany. This, indeed, i.s the principal and immediate cause of the interest, taken by the other Powers in Austria's future, for they tire vitally concerned, not only in the actual results, hut also in possible repercussions. The popular belief is that Germany is merely waiting for a settlement of the Sanr issue before again devoting her attention towards Austria, where Nazi propaganda has been both vicious and persistent. An Atis-tro-Gcrman union, which hitherto has been rejected by Austria and refused acceptance by the other Powers would be a great victory for tin Nazis, and it is epiite possible that a

victory in Austria would exert considerable influence on sueli other countries as Bulgaria, Hungary, and Poland. The ultimate sequel could quite reasonably, be the formation of a strong Central European group, similar to that which existed before the war, which might be regarded a? a danger to Europe sind the world. Realising this, it is not difficult to understand the anxiety of France and Italy, in particular, to maintain the independence of Austria. Austria may be only a pawn in the game, but tiho is a very important pawn, nevertheless, for it' once she becomes allied to Germany the latter immediately be comes a potential menace, not only to France, but also to Italy. It is fil most imperative, therefore, that the ►independence of Austria should be maintained at all costs. That, at least, is the view of Italy and France, considering the position only as it directly affects them. But Llioy are not alone in their attitude, for Great Britain, although only indirectly concerned, has already made it clear that she is convinced thai Austrian independence is necessary to the preservation of peace. So it conies about that

Britain is found to be taking a leading part in the present negotiations, if, in fact, she has not. actually initiated them through a series of, exchanges of opinion with France and Italy. The object of the present move is to produce a pact between Austria's' live neighbors guaranteeing hei political independence and territorial integrity. France and Italy are reported to have reached common ground, apart from certain minor complications which it i.s fully expected will ultimately be smoothed out. The issue, indeed, is so vital to these two countries that disagreement is almost impossible, and it is more than likely that once a mutually satisfactory basis is reached ou this point other differences between the two countries will also be settled, With a strong stand adopted by France and italy.lhere is every prospect thai the smaller States will fall into line, but even then Germany, once again, will remain an unknown quantity. Signature of such a" pact by her would involve the renunciation of some of her ambitions, and it can hardly be said that the Nazis have shown any proneness: to adopt such a policy. Rather is the reverse the case, and il is to be feared thai a victory in the Sanr which is almost a foregone conclusion, vill heighten her ambitions rather than satisfy them. Germany insists, above all else, on "equality of rights," but the other Powers maintain that the first essential is the provision of security. The result is that Europe to-day is virtually fighting a battle between "equality" and "security." The logical view is that once security is assured equality might justifiably be granted, but Germany, hitherto, has refused to negotiate unless equality is granted first, and her very insistence upon this point is apt to make her suspect'in the eyes of her neighbors. Germany's signature, however, is not essential to a pact between the other countries, although its inclusion would very materially strengthen it, and if only partial agreement can be reached it will be a decided advance. Some such fiction is imperative, for Europe today i.s full of suspicion and mistrust, with international relationships steadily deteriorating. Nothing but determined action on the part of the stronger and more pacific Powers can avert a menace that is becoming increasingly grave, and it is because a pact" such" as that suggested offers some hope of a lasting peace that the present negotiations are being watched with such interest.