EMPIRE UNITY.
WHAT IT IMPLIES.
ADDRESS BY MR T. R. SARGOOD. Mr P. R. Sargood, who represented the Dunedin Chamber at the Savoy on Tuestwelfth congress of the Federation of Chambers of Commerce of the British Empire, gave an account of the proceedings at the congress to members of the Dunedin Chamber at the Savoy yesterday morning. Mr A. C. Cameron, president of the Dunedin Chamber, said they welcomed back one of their most representative and best-known citizens in Mr Sargood.— (Applause.) They were delighted to see him back safe and well, and they had to thank him for representing the chamber at the congress and for keeping the chamber thoroughly posted with the happenings at the congress. They all knew that the prestige of their country and of their chamber was in the hands of such representatives as were sent to congresses of this kind, and the Dunedin Chamber had felt very happy to know that Air Sargood was to be their repre-
sentative, and that Mr Mason, of Christchurch, was .also to be a representative. They had worthily carried out the work entrusted to them by their respective chambers. Air Sargood opened by saying that the conference was attended by 260 delegates, and lasted a full week. The daily sessions, including hospitalities, were from 10 o’clock in the morning till 1 o’clock the following morning. In the short time at his disposal, said Air Sargood, it was difficult to say all that there was to be said, and he would therefore confine his remarks to the “ kernel of the nut” they all met to crack, “Empire unity and all it implied.” Speaking first of Empire unity, he said that some of the difficulties visualised were no doubt very great. As an example, taking a broad vision, the British Empire had a monopoly of, say, fiveeighths of the wool supplies (at present), four-tenths of the gold supplies, and four-tenths of the wheat supplies. If that was represented by, say, 100 units. Britain wanted for her own use, say, 40 units, increasing as population grew. She must therefore export the balance of 60 units. Outside nations wanted 20, 10, 5, 5 units respectively, but how were those nations to pay for what they bought? The British Empire said to them: “ Our policy is to encourage our Empire to be self-contained. We have within our area all we want if we can
organise properly, go do not want anything that you can produce. You want our wool and wheat, to live. What are you going to do about it? We do not want gold; we have enough of our own and cannot live on it. Answer that question satisfactorily and we will sell you wheat and wool.” The nations replied: “We can only send you our products in return, and if you will not take them, then we must starve or fight you for some of your lands which produce wool and wheat.” The final result, said Mr Sargood, might be: the world against the British Empire. But if, while the British Empire was absorbing as much as possible of its product internally, surplus wealth of the outside world was shut out on an economic basis, it might strengthen the Empire to keep her people within her borders, and foster and develop her potential resources for a time, but when the time came when she was producing more than she could absorb, what then? The idea of Empire unity was great and dazzling, but fraught with grave difficulties._ even among its component parts. Would, say, Canada, Australia. India forgo their fiscal policies and the fostering of their secondary industries so that Great Britain could remain the workshop
of the whole, while they grew wool and wheat and dug gold? He was of opinion that they would not. Some day Australia would demand to be the woollen mill of the Empire, where the wool was grown. Canada, with its hydro-electric energy, could outbid steam or oil power. India, with its teeming millions of cheap labour, would outbid them both if organised. Universal Protection must provide for the possibility of war or merge into some form of universal Freetrade or reciprocity and no wars. “ We can be universal Freetraders, but not individual Freetraders,” he said. As day after day at the congress one listened to the speeches for or against one could not but be impressed by the clearcut issue presented by the overseas delegates, and the ever undercurrent of a call to Great Britain to say what policy 7 —if any—she was going to adopt towards Empire unity in commerce as well as in politics. The delegates from Great Britain seemed to be very shy of expressing any strong views, except one very fine address by an Oldham delegate, in the course of which he emphasised, and brought prominently forward, argument in favour of Freetrade and the necessity for it as regards the cotton industry. A delegate from the woollen industry stated the case against Freetrade and the necessity 7 of “ safeguarding ” for his industry, but both those speeches were more or less of a parochial nature, and did not tackle the wide aspect where sacrifices must be made for a common good. J Dealing with commercial relations within the Empire. Air Sargood said that the following resolutions were carried; —
(1) That this congress emphatically declares that the future economic wellbeing of the peoples owing allegiance to his Alajesty the King Emperor calls for a concerted, determined, and immediate effort on the part of his Majesty!® Government to formulate an economic policy for the Empire which will result in closer co-operation between its constituent parts. It recognises that under modern conditions, large and unfettered markets are essential for economic production. It accordingly urges upon the Imperial Conference to be held in London in September next, the appointment of a commission accredited by the Governments of the various parts of the Empire, and having in its personnel adequate representation from the business interests of the Empire and economic experts, to draw up a well-considered scheme for effective economic co-operation between the various parts of the Empire, which will pay due regard to the industrial development of its various sections, with a view to the greatest development of the potential resources of each section, and. ultimately,
on equitable terms, the economic union of the whole. 2. That the various Governments of the Empire be urged to examine into their own fiscal policies without delay, with a view to ascertaining in what respects they may be amended in the interests of the trade of other portions of the Empire, with due regard to the integrity of thffir own commerce. 3. The congress once more reiterates its conviction that a wide and well-considered extension of the system of Imperial Preference wi-1 be found to be the most effective means of bringing about a greater measure of Imperial economic cohesion.
4. That this congress urges the importance in Empire trade of voluntary cooperation and preference, interimperial mergers and trade arrangements, the promotion of scientific research and the interchange of visits and more intimate exchange of ideas and experiences between business men of the Empire. Those resolutions were carried almost unanimously, indicating a strong desire to get to closer grips with the all-im-portant necessity for better understanding and co-operation between the component parts of the Empire. It seemed to him, on further consideration, that those resolutions showed a certain moral laxity of grit on the part of the conference in that the execution of the subject matters was left to be dealt with by some other body, which was to be appointed at some future date, and comprising men whooe names were not even suggested and whose views might be diametrically opposed to those enunciated by the resolutions, and so serious further delay would result. It might have been far better, and saved probably years of uncertainty, if some of the resolutions had been couched in such a way that the executive of the federation could at once have dealt with the more important subjects—in other words, they could have got to tivork instead of delegating the points to the arena of either politics or further discussions. However, all conferences are open, more or less, to the same criticism. From the speeches by some of the delegates from overseas, the suggestion was thrown out several times that the Empire was at the “ cross ways.” The general tone of the debate pointed towards the fact that some of the overseas dominions —especially Australia, Africa, Canada, and New Zealand —had given preference, and offered more, to Great Britain and the other parts of the Empire, and were getting a little impatient that so little was being done in return, and that the policy of Great Britain was still in the air. The rcsoluion to be put up to the coming Colonial Conference anent an Empire policy seemed to him a little nebulous, for Australia, South Africa, Canada, New Zealand, and some of the other parts had already enunciated and put into force an Empire policy with a common and fundamental basis which might be stated shortly thus: —
1. An economic balance between primary and secondary 7 industries. 2. An economic safeguarding of local markets. 3. Preference to those of kith and kin for surplus requirements.
4. That each commonwealth or dominion or colony 7 is hammering out on the anvil of circumstance the necessary details. The overseas delegate recogirsed fully that it was no business of theirs to suggest to Great Britain what its policy should be, but there was no uncertain
undercurrent that the Empire policy estab lished by the outlying parts of the Empire" was fixed fundamentally—subject to amendments—and that it remained for Great Britain to say whether she was going to lead by adopting a similar policy, and thus trying to bring all, more or less, by compromise into line, or whether she was going to carry on with continued uncertainty and indicision and find that, later on, the outlying parts of the Empire had composed their respective differences and were trading as an Empire unit outside Great Britain and making their own
arrangements with the foreign markets. It was certainly a little puzzling to know just what he could take back from the conference of certainty or even of hope said Air Sargood, until, at a luncheon given to a few of the delegates by Mr Lee (president of the Alanchester Chamber), he realised that a referendum was being taken in Alanchester, the answer to which would be returned the Alonday following the closing of the conference, and indicated very forcibly the great swing that was taking place in the home of Freetrade of late years; other parts of England were taking up the same method of ascertaining the views of the business world, and from what he could gather through press notices and talking with men—safeguarding the Home market —seemed to be the policy that was gaining strength. The present propaganda towards educating the people of Great Britain towards Empire Freetrade might Jje something “ stirring ” upon which to focus the minds of the people, but if he was right in assuming that the dominions would continue their policy of local safeguarding, then it seemed to him that a stronger call would be Freetrade within the Empire, with reciprocal preferences, as against the foreigner, coupled with safeguarding of the British market for the British manufacturer. He suggested that if something of that nature were ultimately brought to issue that Great Britain would increase its facilities for increased production at lower cost; that she could absorb a great number of her unemployed by increased business in her
own markets; and that she could offer the dominions her goods at a much lower price, and probably at such advantageous terms that there would* be no necessity even to look at foreigners’ samples. -By offering her food market to the members of the Empire on a preferential basis, even if imposing a duty against all in order to safeguard her own agriculturists, Great Britain would have its food prices stabilised to the advantage of all, both producers and consumers, with an almost certainty that lower general average prices would rule, and so the bogey of dear food wouhj.be attacked and laid. It might, of course, eventuate in the closing of some of the dominions’ uneconomic industries, continued the speaker. That, in turn, would force more consideration by industrialists for country life, and so assist towards what, in his judgment, was the crux of the future prosperity—indeed of the life of the Em, pire, viz., the development of its enor.inous natural resources and productivity, lhe Empire had areas and possibilities which could, and would, absorb all possible population which was likely to be dealt with for many generations to come. Air Sargood referred to the great hospitality that had been extended to oversea delegates during the congress, including an audience with the King and Queen at Buckingham Palace, an Empire dinner ait which there were 740 guests, visit to thy 1 ort of London docks, Hendon air pageant, at which the ill-fated RlOl appeared, and a night air battle. Air 1. C. Ross, in proposing a hearty vote of thanks to Air Sargood for his address, said he was very interested to hear Air Sargood’s remarks about the dole, and the way it was working against the interests of the country. He hoped that New Zealand would keep clear of anything of the sort.
The vote was carried by acclamation.
1033 CONGRESS.
The president remarked that the 1933 congress was to be held in New Zealand. It would probably be held in Wellington, he said, but he hoped that this end of the Dominion would receive a visit from the delegates when an opportunity of reciprocating the hospitality that had been extended to Dunedin’s delegate in London would be given.
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Bibliographic details
Otago Witness, Issue 3996, 14 October 1930, Page 69
Word Count
2,320EMPIRE UNITY. Otago Witness, Issue 3996, 14 October 1930, Page 69
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