The Otago Witness. WITH WHICH IS INCORPORATED THE SOUTHERN MERCURY. (TUESDAY, MAY 19, 1925.) THE WEEK.

Otago Witness, Issue 3714, 19 May 1925, Page 43

The Otago Witness. WITH WHICH IS INCORPORATED THE SOUTHERN MERCURY. (TUESDAY, MAY 19, 1925.) THE WEEK.

“Nunquam allnd natura, allud papientla dixit. * —Juvenal. “Good aature and good aen6e must evar join.”— Pops. It has been suggested as fitting epitaph that the simple sentence, “ Here lies an Imperialist/’ should be engraved upon Mr Massey above the grave where lie lies at Point Halswell. The statement explains in part the world-wide expressions of regret emanating from the King and Queen, and from responsible men and women in all parts of the Empire, at the passing of the Prime Minister of the Dominion of New Zealand. The tribute thus paid is so unique and so universal that some explanation needs to be made other than can be found in Mr Massey’s character or personality. The words applied to Oliver Cromwell may truthfully be used of Mr Massey: “ He will fare best if he is remembered neither as an eager schemer nor an inspired prophet, but as ‘ a plain, blunt man that loves his friends/ solving problem after problem in a difficult career when they arose as seemed honestly to him to be best.” Such a remembrance, while absolutely correct, will not in tself explain the high'regard in which Mr Massey’s memory is held in all parts of the British Empire. Superadded to his bluntnees and honesty was a concrete conception of the destiny of the British race, and of the mission which it is meant to fulfil. There are those who quarrel with his conception—a conception which has been put into clear and forceful words by another Imperialist w ho has just been ] aid to his rest, Viscount Milner. Speaking at Guildford on October 29, 1907, on “A Constructive Policy,” Lord Milner 6aid: My chief quarrel with the Radical Party—not' with all of them, I do not say that for a moment, but with a far too large and influential section—is their anti-patriotism. I use the word advisedly. It is not that they are unpatriotic in the sense of having; no affection for their country: it is that they are deliberately and on principle—and I do not asperse their motives; I do not question their sincerity and conviction—-anti-patriotic, opposed to national as distinct from cosmopolitan ideals. They are not zealous for national defence; they have no faith in the Empire; they love to show their impartiality by taking sides against tlnsr own country; they object to their children being taught respect for the flag. But wo Unionists are not cosmopolitan, but Britons. Wo have no envy or ill-will towards other nations; a man is not a worse neighbour because he loves his own family. But wo do hold that it is not our business to look after others. It is our business to look after ourselves and our dependencies, and the great kindred communities who own allegiance to the British flag. want to draw closer to them, to stand together; and we believe that the strength and unity of the British Empire are of vital and practical importance to every citisen. In all our

propaganda, and in all our polity, let us continue to give that great principle a foremost place.

Hie Jacst!

Substitute for “ Radical Party ” the New Zealand Labour Party, and for “ Unionists ” the Reform Party, and in Viscount Milner’s words will Le it and accurate exposition of Mr Massey’s political faith. It is an extraordinary fact that of the two men holding virtually the same views, the one should have made of his career so triumphant a success, and the other so pitiable a failure. In contrast to the paeans of praise to-day sounding over the grave of Mr Massey take the verdict pronounced 10 years ago by Mr A. G. Gardiner on Lord Milner as “ the most dramatic failure of our time.” Yet at the start the odds were all in favour of Lord Milner. Mr Gardiner writes: On the memorable night when men of all parties gathered at the banquet to him to celebrate I>ord Milner’s departure for South Africa, no career in the land seemed so full of splendid promise. Confidence in his genius had become an article of faith among those who were most competent t-o judge. His brilliant career at Balliol had marked him out for great things, and his subsequent work on the Pall Mall, in Egypt, and as head of the Board of Inland Revenue had confirmed the promise. Ho had been described as “ the finest flower of human culture which the University of Oxford has produced in our time.” lord Rosebery had acclaimed his “ unrivalled union oi fascination and intellect.” He commanded in an extraordinary degree the faith and loyalty of his friends—of none more than Mr Asquith, wlio was in the chair that night,—and he lad no enemies. His personal honour was as conspicuous as his intellectual gifts, and his political purposes were grave and disinterested. He had belonged to the band of young enthusiasts who Had gathered round Canon Barnett at Toynbee Hall, and he had bc<Bn indoctrinated with the social gospel of that great man. His selection by Mr Chamberlain for the most difficult and delicate task of statesmanship that the time had to offer was almost universally approved. Here, if anywhere, was the man who could raze out the memory of the Jameson Raid, and pour oil on the troubled waters of South Africa. There were, it is true, a few who read the man more profoundly—among them Sir William Harcourt. “ You are going out with a war in your pocket,” he said to Sir Alfred. To-day he is the most solitary and negligible figure in our public life—a man whose name is synonymous with failure, with discredited prophecy, with harsh and provocative methods, and with reactionary view's. The tomb of Lor 1 Milner's reputation towers above all the rest. There have been other conspicuous failures in our time, but none so overwhelming, so final as this.

A Striking Contrast. ind an exa

Holding virtually the same views on Imperial questions how comes it that where Lord Milner absolutely failed Mr Massey achieved so signal a. success? In reply it may be argued that the temperaments of the men were different, and the atmosphere had altered. Above everything else Lord Milner was intellectual, and “intellect alone never made a successful ruler.” In addition to intellect there must be both insight and sympathy. Mr Massey, while his intollectual ability was quite avera-ge, possessed those human qualities which Lord Milner lacked. Thus the educational advantages enjoyed by the peer were discounted by the sturdy common sense which enabled the commoner to solve the problems of every-day politics. The Great War of 1914-1918 gave Mr Massey bis chance, just as in the South African War Lord Milner met his debacle. On the heels of the Great War came the grim spectre of Bolshevism, hungry and menacing, and this spectre Mr Massey set himself resolutely to lay lor#, at least in so far as New ’Zealand was concerned. With Bolshevism and Communism lie would make no compromise. Quite early he foresaw what in the Homeland is now only beginning to be realised, that in ihe aims and ideas of Bolshevism there exists ns great a peril to Western civilisation as once existed in the shape of German militarism. The Home Secretary spoke plainly on this point when lie said of the Bolshevist menace: “We are bound to take notice of tile Communist movement, which is controlled by Moscow, and we shall arm ourselves with power effectively to deal with it. We do not intend that this country shall degenerate into a Communist republic. Wc have to see that the necessary steps are taken to deal with this great menace from the East and Russia. Wc are tired'of the influx of men to this country who are coming here to embitter class hatred and to destroy cur Constitution."

Failure anc Success.

In “Tlie Lost Leader" Robert Browning depicted a man who hea deserted the cause he on to championed, and had fallen away from his early ideals, and forsaken the teaching which inspired the disciples who had loved and honoured him. Wlien he wrote these lines Browning had Wordsworth in mind, but he also included others who, Radical in their youth, had become in old age rigidly Conservative. In almost an opposite sense Mr Massey can to-day be conceived of as “ the lost Leader.” From youth to old age ho never wavered in the tenets of Ills political faith, and ns the years went by ho steadily progressed in the qualities which constituted him a leader of men—indeed, one of tiio most remarkable characteristics of the late Prime Minister's political career was the way in w iich he developed unstmpeeted qualities of leadership. The firent War was his opportunity, and he rallied the people of New Zealand to meet and emerge victoriously

from the terrible crisis; just as, *»fter the war, he rallied the Dominion to live up to the standard of British Imperialism, wliich he ever held steadily before their eyes. As a consequence of his far-seeing statesmanship New Zealand is happily delivered from the dilemma in which, by the toleration of Bolshevist ideas, the homeland now finds itself. To day New Zealanders everywhere, reflecting upon the " hole-hearted and devoted service which Mr Massey gave so ungrudgingly to his .country, may say, in the words in which \V alt Whitman apostrophised Abraham Lincoln: O Captain! my Captain! rise up and hear the bells; Rise up—tor you the flag is flung—for you the bugle trills, For you bouquets and ribbon’d wreaths—for you the shores a’crowding, For you they call, the swaying mass, their eager faces turning; Here, Captain I dear father! This arm beneath your head! It is some dream that on the deck, You’ve fallen cold and dead. My Captain does not answer, his lips are pale and still; My father does not feel my arm, he has no pulse nor will. The ship is anchored safe and sound, its voyage closed and done; From tearful trip the victor ship comes in with object won. Exult, 0 Shores and ring, 0 Bells, But I with mournful tread Walk the deck my Captain lies Fallen cold and dead.

The Lo»t Leader.

With the passing of Mr Massey there is a call for a new leader; and the question now being actively canvassed' in political circles is, “ Who is the man ? ” bor the nonce decision has been deferred by the temporary appointment of Sir Francis Dillon Bell as Prim© Minister; but it is well known he lias only consented to the expedient in order to give the Reform Party time to turn round and consider the situation. The two men with prior claims to -the vacant leadership are Mr Coates and Mr Downie Stewart, but it would be idle to p ‘tend that either of them possess the qualities calculated to make the ideal leader—indeed, to such an extent does one supply what the other lacks that a Stewart-Coates Ministry has been suggested as a solution of the difficulty. There is leason, also, in the plea put forward, powerfully ly Mr Atmore, that the time has come for a regrouping of parties, and for the formation of a National Party, as distinct from the Labour Party. In regard to this idea, however, Mr Wilford preserves silence; and the possibility of Sir Joseph Ward re-entering the political field is a circumstance not to be lost sight of. A survey of the situation reveals a condition of doubt and uncertainty, out of which only one thing clearly emerges: Whatever the future may bring forth it is certain that the time is not ripe for the consideration of Mr Holland’s claims to the Prime Ministership. The position is much more complicated than when Mr joallance died m 1893. He had been ill for some time, and so far back as 1891 Mr Seddou had been Acting-Premier. The Governor at once sent for Mr Seddon, and he was sworn in on May 1. When Mr Seddon died in May, 1906, Sir Joseph Ward naturally filled his place. Mr Hall-Jones acting as Prime Minister for a few weeks until his return from England. The present situation is therefore unique in the history of New Zealand politics, and the events of the immediate future will be watched with the greatest interest and the closest attention.

Wanted, the Man.