A LURID PICTURE.

Otago Witness, Issue 3467, 24 August 1920, Page 17

A LURID PICTURE.

BOLSHEVIST PROPAGANDA. DANZIG, August 17.

The newspaper Nachrichten's war correspondent, in giving an inside idea as to the Red army, savs that one of the busiest headquarters department is Dolitical. It issues a stream of leaflets intended to influence Polish and German workers, and urges the German Communists to attack the bourgeoise. The department also issues a newspaper which is circulated among the army. It is filled with horrible stories of alleged Polish atrocities and imaginary tails of unemployment and revolutions in the rest of the world. Everything French is described as capitalistic, and everything English as hypocritical.

WiBANGEL'S OPERATIONS. CONSTANTINOPLE, August 16. Heavy fighting is in progress in the Crimea. Bolshevists from the Polish front are attacking vigorously, supported by massed aeroplane bombing. General Wrangel is holding his own. Wrangel's raiders crossed the Don and occupied Konstantinovskaya, cutting the Tsaritzyn-Ekaterino-dar railway, and threatening to isolate the Kuban Cossacks.

August 20. General Wrangel is driving the Bolshevists acros the Lower Dnieper. General Wrangel has landed on the Kuban coast, and received full local support. LONDON, August 16. Mr Lloyd George told the House of Commons that the Government had notified General Wrangel that he must make further attacks on his own responsibility. Since then General Wrangel had carried out operations; consequently the responsibility was his. M. Kameneff, in a letter to Mr Lloyd George, says that the Russians are anxious to learn Britain's final decision regarding General Wrangel. The letter charges Britain with maintaining the attitude of protector of General Wrangel, thus enabling him to prepare a fresh blow, and culminating in France's recognition. M. Kameneff declares that Britain throughout has refused to undertake any practical steps to achieve peace in South Russia.

FRENCH MUNITIONS HELD UP. LONDON, August 15. M. Huysman has informed the British Labour Council of Action that French munitions for General W ran gel already at Antwerp have been stopped by order of the Belgian Government arid the trade unions' refusal to handle them. BERLIN, August 16.

Silesian newspaper reports state that German workmen, in order to enforce their demand that the movement of the Allied troops cease during the Russo-Polish war, side-tracked a number of French troop trains in Upper Silesia and placed guards over them to prevent them proceeding. August 19. A strike of workers in Upper Silesia against the Russo-Polish war led to a serious, conflict with French troops at Kattowitz. The French cavalry wereatoiiwed, and a trooper was killed. The French' replied with machine guns and renades, killing nine and wounding 26. trade union delegation demanded the disarmament of the troops in the occu-

pied area, promising them safe conduct. The Trench commandant indignantly r< fused the terms. Negotiations are progressing. The German press is excited over tiie incident, and reports that 20CO Poles of military age have been smuggled over the border. They declare that this

is a grave and dangerous infringement of German neutrality. PAEIS, August 19. The newspapers sharply criticise the action of Sir Reginald Tower, British High Commissioner at Dantzig, in re/fusing to

, *oiq full text of the Immigration PvOjbfiofclon Amendment Bill shows that the nrm of the oath of allegiancG which all

I British subjects must take on arriving in I New Zealand is as follows:— "J, , do j swear that I will be faithful and bear true J

allegiance to his Majesty, his heirs and successors, according to law. So help me Gpd."-

permit the landing of French munitions for the Poles.

LABOUR'S ATTITUDE

ALIEN INFLUENCE SUGGESTED. LONDON, August 14. The newspapers are vigorously _ discuss ing the Labour Conference's attitude in the direction of precipitating, action.

The Times does not doubt that astute aliens, essentially anti-British, have instigated the recent Labour developments in Britain.

The Council of Action is holding daily sittings and privately issuing official statements to the press. The proposal for the formation throughout the country of local councils "was promptly carried out in the industrial areas. Such bodies have already been formed in Sheffield, Plymouth, Gateshead, Northampton, Leicester, and elsewhere, and sub-committees have been appointed to carry out strike arrangements. The National Socialist Party approved of the strike to prevent war, and rejected an amendment pledging every aid by the Council of Action on the grounds that, that body might declare a strike for the recognition of the Soviet Government.

August 16

The Council of Action has received a telegram from the. Russian Central Council of Trade Unions thanking British workers for their practical sympathy in forcing the hands of the British Government, thus forging a new link between the workers of Britain and Russia and uniting them into strong fraternal union against which no international bourgeois can prevail.

Some French newspapers resent British Labour dictating to French workers on matters of foreign policy, and go so far as to suggest that the French authorities should prohibit the British Labour delegates from landing in France. Mr Lloyd George declares that Labour's attempt to dictate by industrial action will be resisted to the utmost of the State's forces.

BRITISH POLICY UNALTERED

LONDON, August 16.

In the House of Commons Mr N. Pem-berton-Billing drew attention to the resolutions threatening a general strike in the event' of military measures being taken against Russia, which he described as tantamount to a Labour dictatorship under the name of the Council of Action. Mr Billing asked if the time had not come to terminate the organisation of industrial disturbances for the purpose of achieving political ends. Mr Lloyd George said that the Government's policy appeared in no wise to suffer from the Labour Conference. This driving with a sledge hammer at an open door was only intended for display. Any attempt to dictate a policy to the Government or Parliament by industrial _ action struck at the root of the democratic constitution of Britain, and would be resisted with all the forces at the Government's disposal. Mr Bonar Law, in moving the adjournment of the House until October 19, with a provision that it might be convened earlier if desirable, 'gsaid that nothing had occurred since the adjournment except what appeared in the newspapers. Tire Government's policy regarding the PolishRussian question had been laid down_ in the clearest possible manner by the Prime Minister. There was not the slightest foundation for the suggestion that the policy had been altered by any expression of public opinion or by the action of the body calling itself the Council of Action. There had not been the slightest deviation from the beginning of the British attitude toward the Polish-Russian war. He stated that the Government's message to the British representative in Warsaw for conveyance to the Poles laid it' down that we would not interfere if the Russian terms were genuine, and it went no further than, that. The message was communicated simultaneously to the Allies. The Italian Government had telegraphed its entire approval of the step taken. Continuing, Mr Bonar Law said that M. Kameneff yesterday sent the Prime Minister a letter stating that the terms submitted to us would not be altered in the event of a contingencv arising which was not anticipated. The Governmentwould take no action until the House of Commons had been" convened and its approval obtained. Mr Bonar Law concluded : "The world's one need to-day is peace. It is not our business to determine the form of government of anv country except our own. The Prime Minister has tendered the Poles advice, and has emphasised that the Government Will not lend Britain to any warlike operations except on grounds so plain and obvious that the whole country will be behind it."

DISCUSSION IN PARLIAMENT.

LONDON, August 16

Tn the Housa of Commons, following Mr Bonar Law, Mr Asouith said he considered that the Government had taken the proper course in connection with Poland. It would be monstrous for the Government to undertake further warlike operations without Parliament's approval. The peace of the world was now a thing; worth purchasing at almost any price short of dishonour. Moreover, peace ought not to be beyond the resources of the combined statesmen ship of Europe, with the help of the League of Nations. Mr J. R. Clynes (Labour) disagreed with the statement that there had not been any variation of the peaceful purpose of the Government during the pastweek. Pfe declared that there would be less suspicion if they had known what was happening at the recent conferences. He disnuted the contention that the Labour Council of Action was challenging the Constitution, because the League of Nations was a part of the Constitution, and it had not been used in this connection. He emphasised that if the Government refused at such a time to use that part of the Constitution which made for

peace, then the workers must not forfeit their right to strike if war could thus be prevented.

Lord Robert Cecil (one of the founders of the League of Nations) dissociated himself from the view that the Government's negotiations had been successfully conducted. He said that the threat of direct action was a threat of insurrection. There was not any danger of Great Britain being dragged into a sudden war. Nevertheless, Labour had uttered an ill-advised threat, which might have unfortunate results in the future.

Mr Lloyd George deprecated using the League of Nations as a weapon to attack the Government, and pointed out that the League's existence was largely due to British support. The Government stood by the League, but the League could not ba invoked hitherto as regards Poland, as the action of the League depended on the unanimity of its members. It was useless to attempt to conceal the fact that the Allies differed as regards the R.ussoPolish situation. Consequently the League could not have done more to reach some measure of agreement than the Supreme Council had done and was still doing. Furthermore, Russia had emphatically refused any intervention by the League of Nations.

Continuing, Mr Lloyd George refuted the criticism as regards the secrecy of the Supreme Council meetings, and declared that the process-verbal would be given full publicity. Replying to Mr Clynes's speech in defence of the Labour Council's action, Mr Lloyd George said that Mr Clynes claimed to be a Democrat-Constitutionalist. Mr Clynes had argued that the Constitution was an unwritten one. That was incorrect, when the new body was established and substituted for Parliament. It was a dangerous doctrine. Labour had suddenly established a body of men who said: "We will formulate a part of the Constitution for ourselves. We will not submit it to Parliament, because the elected representatives do not count. Therefore we are going to declare by resolution (which was carried after from two to three hours' discussion) that henceforth the Constitution shall include a Committee of Action, representing one section of the community.' That was one of the most formidable challenges ever given to Democracy, arid without hesitation every Government must accept the challenge. The Labour Party knew perfectly well what was the policy of the Government, and its action, when there was no issue involving the peril of the community, and when the Government had taken responsibility in full accord with public opinion, was the most unjustifiable action ever undertaken by a responsible body in this country. It was done to impress the people with the idea that without this dire threat the country would be plunged into war. Every responsible Labour member knew that the Government was striving strenuously and consistently for peace. He hoped scon to be able to publish the Government's despatches to Poland. They would show that Great Britain had deprecated the Polish invasion of Russia, and had solemnly warned the Poles that if invasion were undertaken they could not count on the support of British opinion. The Government had not deviated a hair's breadth from its policy throughout. Mr Lloyd Geo'rge emphasised the riteed for preserving the unity of the nation, as it was preserved in the face of greater danger; but resolutions like that of the Council of Action last Friday %vould not help the cause of peace. Such action roused a deep fear and anxiety in the minds of millions as to what it all meant, and the fear of most was that it would cause war. This fear was that the democratic institutions of the country were_ to bo subverted by some tyrannical idea, imposed by the force of arms. " I ask them not to repeat that experiment. If they do it will be difficult to preserve that atmosphere of calm judgment which is essential to the peace of the world." August 17.

Mr Lloyd George, replying to M. Kamenoff's letter states that after the withdrawal of General Denikin the Government was concerned only in ensuring the" security of the troops and refugees under General Wrangel, and to put them in a position to defend themselves in the Crimea until a guarantee of safety was accorded them. The Government had no intention of encouraging General Wrangel's. offensive, and as soon as it heard of such a possibility Great Britain issued a warning regarding it, intimating that it would not have any responsibility for it, and would immediately withdraw the British military Mission. - Mr Lloyd George further points out that M. Kamenoff's account of the British proposal was inaccurate. The British Government did not reply to M. Tchicherin's telegram of June 11 because active negotiations were then proceeding with M. Krassin. The British suggested that an armistice should be signed with General Wrangel conditional on General Wrangel's forces retiring to the Crimea and that General Wrangel should be invited to London to discuss the future of his troops and the refugees. The object of the proposal was to end hostilities in Eastern Britain was anxious for the Peace Conference to secure the personal safety of the troops and refugees in the Crimea, but did not intend that the Crimea should be detached from Eussia or that its possession should be secured for General Wrangel. The Government entirely adhered to this attitude, and had no intention of recognising General Wnfftgel or of assisting him, and it was only m the event of the Soviet proposing terms to Poland infringing the independence of Poland that Britain would feel bound to reconsider this attitude. The Council of Action is appealing to all workers to organise for the recognition

t)s August 21 as "Peace with* Russia Sunday," including every city ,town, and village througlicoit the country, holding mass demonstrations in favour of an immediate Russo-British peace, and "no more support for French militarism, and no more trickery." Mr Brace, president of the, South Wales Miners' Union, interviewed, deprecated the proposal to keep the Council of Action permanently sitting. He said that chaos and confusion would follow such a course. However, they should now concentrate upon the Russo-Polish situation, the cancellation of the Supreme Council, and the fstablishment gf machinery to make the <eague of Nations effective, with a view to securing world peace. MANIFESTO TO BRITISH WORKERS. LONDON, August 17. The Labour Council of Action has issued a manifesto to British workers declaring that 10 days ago war with Russia was imminent. It adds: "The danger of war has not yet passed, and the danger will remain until a complete Anglo-Russian peace has been established. The Council will not rest until the interminable intrigues and secret treaties of war are ended and peace secured. Mr Lloyd George's policy is not the same as Labour's; otherwise he would' announce the terms upon which Britain is prepared to make peace with Russia. Why is the Position regarding that adventurer General Trangel so ambiguous? Why is it possible for an indirect war to be carried on unconstitutionally by a steady sunnly of munitions to Poland? These questions must 'be answered satisfactorilv. The country will not be lulled into a false sense of security. The British people want a full peace immediately, with the recognition of trading rights and commercial relationship." The Labour Partv has received a message from the INew South Wales Labour Party applauding the Labour Council's course of action, pledging itself to the same action. August 18. Mr J. R. Bromley, a member of the Labour Council of Action, explaining the Council's manifesto at Sheffield, stated that the Labour headquarters would certainly not call a general strike and starve then' own people, but would refuse to manufacture munitions and. carry war materials anoNsoldiers. • Mr J. R- dynes, Labour M.P., in a presidential address to the General Workers' Federation at Oxford, said Labour would no longer tolerate old methods of foreign diplomacy, and was justified In using its whole strength in the interests of peace. If the Government could not keep the country out of war, Labour would do so. COUNCIL OF ACTION DELEGATES. EXPLUSION FROM FRANCE; PARIS, August 17. j Messrs Adamson and Gosling, the Labour delegates/ arrived early in the morning and conferred with the leaders o f the General Confederation of Labour and other prominent Socialists. The Commissary of Police, wearing his insignia, approached them while they were lunching, and told them they must leave by the 8 o'clock evening train, otherwise steps would be taken to enforce the order. The official said the Government considered that their presence was both unnecessary and undesirable. Ministerial officials declined to give further explanations, saying that in such cases explanations unnecessary. French Labour leaders 'tried to interview Ministers, who declined to receive them. August 18. The General Federation of Labour and the Socialist Parliamentary Party have protested against the expulsion of Messrs Adamson and Gosling. The Federation's manifesto urges the French workers to refuse to carry out war work, and protests against the French policy to aid General Wrangel. LONDON, August 18. The Labour leaders take a serious .view o r Messrs Adamson's and Gosling's expulsion from France, but await details before deciding any course of action. PARIS, August 18. The Socialist Parliamentary Party has followed up its protest against the expulsion of Mr Adamson by demanding. the immediate convocation of Parliament and the impeachment of M. Clemenceau and M. Milierand and other Ministers. August 19. . The Government ordered that Messrs Adamson and -Gosling should not be allowed to land in France, but they were already in Paris ' when the instructs is reached the seaports. ■'•'-, LONDON, August 19. The Council of Action has issued a statement to the effect that Messrs Adamson and Gosling went to France to explain the policy and decisions of British Labour regarding Russia. There was no intention Of dictating to the French workers or of interfering in France's policy. The Council extends thanks to the French Government for being mainly responsible for securing unity of action by the French Socialist Party and the French Confederation of Labour. . The latter has telegraphed the Council regretting the treathient of visiting delegates, and assuring the British workers of the fraternal collaboration of the French against war. AUSTRALIAN LABOUR. SYDNEY, August 17. The Marine- Stewards' Union has recommended the Australian Transport Federation to call on all affiliated bodies to refuse to transport any men overseas in the event of Great Britain declaring war on Russia. August 20. The State Labour Party has cabled to Council of Action congratulating them pn their attitude regarding Poland, and pledging support from the Australian Labour Party,

RUSSIAN TRADE UNIONISTS. LONDON, August 15. The delegation of seven Russian trade unionists with eight secretaries had reached Rcval, when the British authorities refused permission to conthrae their voyage to Britain, where ■ they had arranged to conduct an extensive Bolshevist propaganda tour. BOLSHEVISM IN AMERICA. WASHINGTON, August 15. The State Department has obtained details of a plot of the Soviet Government to ferment economic discord' in the United States during the coming autumn and winter, including the burning and dynamiting of factories, and agitation among employees. It is predicted that President Wilson will publish some of these details. AMERICA'S INTERESTS. WASHINGTON, August 16. The cruiser Pittsburg and a destroyer have been ordered to proceed to the Baltic from Cherbourg to protect American interests. NEW YORK, August 16. The State Department announces that the United States forces in the Black Sea will soon be reinforced by the battleship St. Louis and six destroyers, to protect many American relief workers scattered through that area. WASHINGTON, August 19. Polish representatives in the United States called at the White House, and urged the United States to grant Poland extensive credits in order to purchase ammunition and food. They pointed out the danger of the entire world being engulfed by the Bolshevist menace if Russia conquers Poland. Mr Bainbridge Colby expressed sympathy with the delegates, but pointed o'l* that the Presidential powers are limited. i ARMENIANS TREATING WITH BOLSHEVISTS. CONSTANTINOPLE, August 19. . The British Commissioner in Transcaucasia reports that the Armenians have signed a treaty with the Bolshevists, including permission for a free passage of Red troops through Armenia. THE KATTOWITZ TROUBLE. BERLIN, August 19. The German casualties at Kattowitz were 20 killed and 70 severely wounded. The French had nine killed.. The Interallied Commission has proclaimed a state of siege. The town is quietening. In the Kattowitz riot the mob murdered Dr Milewski, a Polish leader, and flung his body into the river. Vorwarts asserts that the Nationalist elements pn both sides will endeavour to use the Kattowitz disorders to create a new Franco-German crisis. PARIS, August 21. • Further demonstrations occurred at Kattowitz. Armoured cars fired at a menacing crowd, killing seven.