THE PEACE CONFERENCE

Otago Witness, Issue 3398, 30 April 1919, Page 13

THE PEACE CONFERENCE

HITCH OVER THE ADRIATIC. PRESIDENT WILSON AND HIS FOURTEEN POINTS. CATALOGUE OP HUNNISH CRIMES. (By Cable.) THE PEACE TREATY. The Council discussed the publication of the Peace Treaty. It is intended to cable a lengthy summary to all newspapers, and send the text to Washington, whence it will be cabled to the various Governments. The full text of the Peace Treaty has arrived at Washington, it is assumed for ?üblication immediately'after the presentaion of the original to the German envoys. The treaty will be published world-wide as soon as the text is handed to the Germans, in order to prevent the latter sending out by wireless garbled versions. It ia expected that a 6000-word summary will be cabled to Australia and New Zealand. Meanwhile the American Government is elaborating plans to send by wireless the whole of the text and reduplicate it to various parts of the world. .. GERMAN BLUEF. Vorwarts and other papers declare that It is impossible for Germany to sign peace on the lines of the semi-official messages from Paris, reducing Wilson's 14 points ' to a sham. Prince Lichnowsky says that a swordrattling peace is only maintainable by force, and must be rejected in the interests of mankind. The Daily Telegraph's Geneva correcpondent learns from a reliable source that the German Government is determined to continue the policy of bluff and intimidation. A former Entente diplomat, who has arrived from Berlin, where he interviewed leading German statesmen, is of opinion that the German delegates will refuse to sign, or else the Government will resign in consequence of the military party's pressure. Either course would indefinitely postpone peace. % •It appears that the Berlin Cabinet is divided on the question of the acceptance of the terms. The younger Ministers urge the refusal of the terms, accompanied by an ironical invitation to the Allies to occupy Germany. They urge, that occupation is impossible, and that the Allies dare not continue the blockade, fearing to spread Bolshevism. They also calculate that the Allied Socialists would support Germany's passive resistance. On the other hand, Rantzau, ' Bernstorff, and Dernberg advocate obtaining all possible concessions by bluff, then accepting, and trusting that future developments will enable a modification or an avoidance of the fulfilment of obligations. The Daily Chronicle's Berlin correspondent states that Vorwarts, in commenting upon the forecast of the Peace Treaty, as telegraphed from Paris, states that it has caused a sensation. The Entente makes a terrible mistake if it believes that any German Government could sign such conditions. If the Entente intends these conditions to be. fulfilled it must itself undertake the task, and if it did it would soon find that the proposed payments cannot be collected, even if it took the sheets from the beds and the boots from the feet. No German Government could be compelled to sign such a treaty and affirm it to be a just peace, calculated to give everlasting rest to Europe. German newspapers continue to inveigh against signing peace «j>erms do not ■ conform to President Wilson's points. It is believed that the Germans received a hint that dilatoriness over signing peace would lead to the denunciation of the armistice, leaving Marshal Foch to do the rest.

The Frankfurt Gazette states that the German delegates are formulating claims against the Entente for compensation on account of air raids, the expenses incurred owinc to delays over the conclusion of peace, and the prolongation of the blockade.

News from Germany shows that the newspapers still talk glibly of their delegates negotiating peace. It is understood that a sharp note has been sent to the German Government which should dispel such fond hopes. Germany has been - informed that the terms, with the exception of how the indemnity shall be paid do not admit of any discussion. A SANER VIEW. Count Brockdorff-Rantzau, interviewed by the Neue Freie Presse, deprecated the suggestion that Germany should take advantage of the Entente dissensions. The interviewer remarked: 'The dissensions at the Peace Conference must be very serious." The Count rejoined: "So you are bent on making me play the role of Talleyrand at the preliminary Peace Conference. But things are very different from what they •were a hundred years ago. To-day the people themselves take an active part in directing the course of history. That gives a completely different background to Eeace negotiations. It would, moreover, e foolish to attempt to play off one of our enemies against the others. Their relations are so close that such an attempt would soon be disclosed." Continuing, Count Rantzau said he thought it would be worthier of a nation of 70 millions to convince all her enemies openly and straightforwardly of the justice for which she was striving, rather than to descend to paltry intrigues and fill with fresh explosives the political atmosphere till it was poisoned with the effects of war propaganda. He added: "Germany and the whole >rorld havn received such severe wounds Jn.. the past four years that all interested in the healing" should work smoothly,

especially in the matter of the world's economic recovery. Our enemies are as much concerned that we should retain the abilitv to meet our obligations as we are interested that in future commercial relations we should be dealing with contractors on whose solidarity we can rely. So many mutual interests are involved affecting all participants in the final peace discussions, that, provided there is a certain amount of good-will, the basis is afforded to an honest understanding, which to us means a Peace of Justice."

THE GERMAN PEACE DELEGATES. Germany has officially accepted all the Allied conditions respecting the Versailles Conference. Marshal Foch has received a German note announcing that Count BrockdorffRantzau, Herren Lansberg and Gresgent (Ministers), and Herr Linert (President: of the Prussian Assembly), with Professor Schuckfing have been appointed plenipotentiaries. The Allies have approved of Germany's envoys, and are arranging their arrival for the 28th inst.

Four, German peace delegates have arrived at Versailles.

The German Government has officially, announced that other German delegates will be unable to reach Versailles before May 1. It has also announced that seven journalists will accompany the mission. The New York World's Berlin correspondent interviewed Herr Noske, who said: Germany will plead hard at Versailles for the retention of the present strength of the army as an irreducible minimum, instead of 100,000. marshaiTfoch. Conference circles take a serious view of the German action, which is likely to upset this week's arrangements. Marshal Foch, in collaboration with the Allied military experts, has prepared a complete scheme designed to bring the Germans "to heel." The scheme has been submitted to the council by Marshal Foch. Marshal Foch appeared before the French Cabinet, and strongly urged holding the left bank of the Rhine till France is fully indemnified. Mr Murdoch writes: "The attitude of Marshal Foch and the French generals, backed,by important Anglo-American militarists, 'towards the council's decisions, particularly as to the general treatment of the Germans and the occupation of the Rhineland, led -to serious developments. Marshal Foch several times threatened to resign, and expressed emphatic views as to necessities for future military security. " Statesmen regard some of Foch's utterances as a breach of military etiquette, claiming that Marshal Foch was appointed at a great sacrifice of national pride, for the sake of unity, and is now using his position to disturb Allied unity. Moreover, though the servant of all, he has used his commanding role to advocate one single ally's interest. During an interview with M. Clemenceau on Saturday, the 19th, Marshal Foch resigned, but M. Clemenceau refused to accept the resignation. The plain fact is that the Allies cannot afford to allow Marshal Foch to resign, owing to the ■ grave moral effect it would have." THE ADRIATIC QUESTION. AN UNFORTUNATE HITCH. A most awkward impasse has arisen regarding the Adriatic. Mr Wilson and the Italians refuse to budge an inch. Considerable excitement reigns at the Italian headquarters. France and Britain maintain the strict letter of the treaty promising Italy Trieste, Pola, the Istrian Islands, and part of Dalmatia, but not including Fiume. France and Britain are prepared to concede Fiume under conditions. President Wilson declares that the treaty does not concern him. He cannot agree to members of other nationalities coming under Italian sovereignty. Mr Wilson refrained from attending the Adriatic Conference in order to bring pressure to bear on the Italian representatives. Mr Wilson proposes to make public a statement unless his views prevail.

Signor Orlando and Baron Sonnino did not appear at the afternoon meeting. President Wilson positively refuses to recognise the imperialism of Italy over Fiume. He says that America will be no partv to the recognition of her claims. Both France and Britain think Italy should accept a compromise, but Signor Orlando is obudrate.

PRESIDENT WILSON'S MANIFESTO. President Wilson has issued a lengthy official statement dealing "with the Adriatic problem. He points out that Italy entered the war upon the basis of definite private understanding with Britain and France, known as the pact of London. Since then the whole circumstances had altered. Many other Powers had entered the struggle, with no knowledge of that private understanding. . The Austro-Hun-garian Empire, then an enemy of Europe, and at whose expense the pact was to be kept in the event of victory, has gone to pieces. Not only that, but several parts of that Empire, it is now agreed by Italy and her associates, shall be created independent states and associated in the League of Nations not with those who were recently our enemies; they are to be among the smaller States, whose interests henceforth are to be scrupulously safeguarded. The war was ended by an armistice, and peace with Germany on clearly defined principles was proposed. Therefore we cannot ask the great body of Powers to propose peace with Austria and establish a new basis of independence and right in the States which originally constituted the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and the States of the Balkan group on principles of another kind. If these principles are to be adhered to Fiume must serve as tho outlet and inlet of the commerce not of Italy, but of the lands north and north-east of that port — lor Hungary, Bohemia, Rumania, and the States of the new Jugo-Slavio group. , If Fiume were

assigned to Italy it would create a feeling that we put that port, upon which all the countries depend for access to the Mediterranean, in the hands of a Power of which it is not an integral part and whose sovereignty must inevitably seem foreign and not domestic or identified with the commercial and industrial life of..the regions which the port must serve. It was for these reasons that Fiume was not included in the Pact of London. The Austrian naval menace has ceased to exist, and therefore Italy's claim on the ground of strategic necessity is invalid. Elaborating these arguments, Mr Wilson says: The new plan of European order, the League of Nations, will provide against any unfair treatment of Italian nationals in these regions. He points out that through her sacrifices and those of her allies, Italy's ancient unity has been restored. Her frontiers have been restored to the great walls which are her natural defence.

Mr Wilson appeals to Italy to extend to the newly-liberated peoples across the Adriatic, magnanimity, friendly generosity, and the preference of justice over interest. The Allied nations made supreme sacrifices not for national advantage nor for defence, but for the settled peace of the world. America, as the initiator of peace, has compulsion upon her to square every decision with the principles he enumerated, and can do nothing else. He trusts and believed that Italy will ask nothing but what is unmistakeably consistent with these sacred obligations. Only on such lines can the world's peace be made secure. SIGNOR ORLANDO'S REJOINDER. Signor Orlando, in a counter-manifesto, expresses regret at Mr Wilson using such, means and appealing to friendly peoples, especially when negotiations are at a critical point. He deplores the attempt to distinguish the Italian Parliament from the people. Truth and justice are not any one person's monopoly. The conference has more than once nearly failed completely in trying to apply the- Wilsonian principles. It is unbelievable that anybody could find a simple solution of the many complicated s problems. The whole of Italy's past and future are bound up in her Adriatic claims. Signor Orlando, in his statement replying to President Wilson, says that while they were discussing Mr Lloyd George's proposition the Paris newspapers published Mr Wilson's message giving-his personal views on the subject and presenting the grave problems which had been submitted in the conference programme. This method of directly addressing the peoole - was an innovation in international rapprochements, and he was regretfully compelled to protest against such proceedings. Mr Wilson's declaration plainly indicated opposition to the aspirations of the Italian Government and people, whose civilisation and Democratic Liberal regime were not inferior to those of other nations.

Signor Orlando says he therefore protested strongly of the injustice to his country. With all deference and firmness he considered the application of Mr Wilson's abstract principles to a concrete case of infinite complexity unjustifiable. Signor Orlando adds that President Wilson has discovered that his 14 points are elastic for every nation except Italy. The Italian people would not submit to the imposition of any will other than their own, or anything of the sort—it would be offensive to their pride. Signor Orlando has written to M. Clamenceau regretting that President Wilson published his manifesto whilst the negotiations were proceeding on a compromise which might be accepted. Signor Sanarzilai, an Italian delegate, states that the publication of the manifesto came as a bombshell whilst discussing the compromise. The manifesto was published over the heads of all the delegates, and President Wilson had elected himself the supreme umpire. ATTEMPT AT MEDIATION. President Wilson issued his statement because he conceived that Italian residents in America as well as in Italy had gained a wrong conception of his attitude over the Adriatic question. Mr Keith Murdoch writes regarding President Wilson's statement on the Adriaatic: Mr Wilson said on Monday that he intended to make a statement if the Italians persisted in their claims to Fiume. Mr Lloyd George attempted to mediate, and then advised the Italians to abandon their claim in view of Mr Wilson's unbending opposition. He also urged Mr Wilson to give time for negotiations, but Mr Wilson, without further consultation, distributed the statement, asserting that his position was being misunderstood throughout the world. The statement, therefore, was issued with the knowledge but without the consent of the Council of Four.

Mr Lloyd George has authorised the following statement: The Treaty of London allotted Fiume to Croatia, but the Italians occupied it. Britain and France informed Italy that they -would not support her claims to Fiume. They also* think it against her best interests to insist upon having Adriatic Islands and Dalmatia, though they will abide by the letter of the treaty if Italy insists. Mr Murdoch adds : Britain and France again begged the Italians to reconsider their attitude. Italy's financial, .food, and coal requests, being principally addressed to America, gives Mr Wilson additional power over the situation. President Wilson's entourage suggests that he was tricked into the premature publication of his manifesto by false information that the Italian Government had placarded Borne proclaiming Italy's an» nexation of Fiume. Signor Orlando states that the three Powers have granted Italy's final minimum except Fiume, which, was to be left a free port. The next event was President Wilson's manifesto, which, Signor Orlando had first eeen in an evening paper. He explains that he is not breaking with the

Allies, but it is superfluous to discuss matters with Mr Wilson.

Signor Orlando will summon the Italian Parliament to meet immediately. The Italians placed a proposition before the council which is in the nature of bargaining over Fiume and the Dalmatian Hinterland; but President Wilson opposed the principle of bargaining. Signor Orlando abstained from attending the council. It is understood that Britain and France have informed Italy that if she insists on the observance of the pact of London, they will insist on the clause which gave Fiume to the Croations. Mr Wilson has authorised a statement that he is prepared to accept the consequences of his manifesto, and adds: The Italians for some days have been threatening a rupture. ITALIAN DELEGATES WITHDRAW. A United Press message from Paris reports that the Italians have officially announced that, as the result of President Wilson's statements, they have decided to quit Paris immediately. Signor Orlando informed M. Oemenceau that the Italian delegation will leave Paris on Thursday afternoon. It is officially stated that Signor Orlando had a final meeting with President Wilson, Mr Lloyd George, and M. Clemenceau, at which there was a general desire to effect an agreement, and the hope was expressed that the consultation with the Italian Parliament would assist in arriving at a satisfactory conclusion. Signor Salandra and Baron Sonnino have departed. Signor Orlando, on quitting his hotel, said: "Even if the conference be willing to give Italy everything, we must go just the same. Mr Wilson said we did not represent Italy. I go to face Parliament and see if he is right." Thousands of Italians cheered the departing delegates. Signor Orlando says he always avoided popular demonstrations in Rome, even when arranged in his honour. This time he will meet the people and enable them to show their feelings to the world. Signor Orlando has left for Rome. He had an ovation on his departure. It is likely that Signor Orlando will return after consulting the Italian Parliament.

There is some inclination not to be unduly pessimistic at Signor Orlando's de-. parture in view of. the continued presence of some Italian delegates, on the principle that " while there's life there's hope." Signor Orlando may return, saying: " I have done what I promised,'' and Italy backs me."

The latest report is that Italy has offered economic compensation for Fiume in the shape of financial and commercial assistance. On the other hand, some people hint that some economic pressure, as far as America is concerned, may be directed against Italy if she holds aloof. It is pointed out that America is largely feeding Italy and supporting her with fuel. DEPARTURE NOT FINAL. It is possible that Signor Orlando may return before the negotiations with the Germans begin.-. Latest reports from Paris state that the situation is easier and everything more hopeful. It is generally anticipated that the Italians' departure is not final, nor so intended. A solution may be reached on the basis of economic concessions in exchange for Fiume. There is no indication that President Wilson is relaxing It is untrue that Mr Lloyd George and M. Clemenceau approved of President Wilson's manifesto. They handed Signor Orlando subsequent statements explaining the British and French views regarding Fiume, leaving their publication to Signor Orlando's discretion. EXCITEMENT IN ITALY. At a meeting of 150 senators and 250 deputies it was decided to telegraph to Signor Orlando declaring that no peace can be acceptable which flouts the Italian people's determination to obtain natural frontiers and annex all the Italian Adriatic towns. Rome telegrams report a tremendous demonstration in the city, demanding Fiume and Dalmatia. The Mayor addressed the multitude, and declared that Italy would refuse any diminution of her national rights. Troops guarded the Entente Embassies. The King of Italy and a large number of'members of both fiouses of Parliament have telegraphed to Signor Orlando, urging him to stand firm. There is intense feeling throughout Italy. Vast demonstrations acclaim 'Signor Orlando, shouting : "Fiume or death." Signor Orlando's decision fco return was cheered in the streets of all the big cities, where demonstrations and excitement are universal as a protest against Mr Wilson's stand. Popular excitement and indignation are running high. Mr Wilson, formerly regarded as the saviour of mankind, is now considered as a stubborn, narrow-minded opponent of Italian aspirations. The opinion is freely expressed that the AngloFrench delegates have given insufficient and lukewarm support to Italy. The Nationalist press is full of bitter attacks against Mr Wilson, Mr Lloyd George, and Britain generally. The chief organ (Popolo d'ltaJia) says: If Britain imagines that it is necessary to create embarrassment in order to diminish our power in the Mediterranean she must not be surprised if it reach towards the people against whom we fought. The Italians in London, have arranged a patriotic demonstration before the Embassy. Official reports from Italy show that there is the most intense indignation against Mr Wilson. Newspapers declare that not one man in Italy is disposed to

impose. All through the country popular demonstrations are proceeding, 'it is believed to be difficult in the present state of public feeling for Signor Orlando to submit any compromise to the people. The name of Wilson street in Genoa is changed to Fiume street. ORLANDO'S ENTHUSIASTIC RECEPTION. Signor Orlando was received with frantic demonstrations throughout Italy. Signor Bissolati, the Socialist leader, declares that he strenuously supports Or* lando. Signor Orlando had an enthusiastic rex ception at Genoa. He stated that he had endeavoured Ui reflect the opinions of 40 millions. It had been urged in some quarters that Italy** economic interests were in jeopardy. Hi* reply was that Italy's dignity stood highe* than all else. In saying that, he kne-vf that Italy was with him. —(Cheers and cries: " You have done well.") 'I under* stand, then," he exclaimed, "that henceforth the people of Italy -will present ai united front to the whole world. People of your calibre can never die."—(Re« newed cheers.) Replying to a similar demonstration hi Rome, Signor Orlando said he neve* doubted their support, but he urged that, without excitement, they should look with confidence to the future, as he did. The patriotic demonstrations continue. Six thousand towns have sent message* to Orlando supporting his demands. There was a general holdiay in Rome on Saturday on the occasion of Orlando's arrival. The city was beflagged and the ■walls covered with welcoming posters. Signor Orlando, speaking in Rome, said the Italians might find themselves standing alone, but they must be united with a single will. Correspondents state that the King, Queen, and Heir Apparent shared with Signor Orlando tumultuous outbursts of cheering outside the palace. It is expected that Signor Orlando will make a temperate speech in the Italian Parliament with the object of calming ■walls covered with welcoming posters. PRESS CRITICISM. French newspapers refuse to regard the situation as insoluble, but support Italy.* The Petit Parisien says: There is a suspension of pourparlers, not a rupture. Le Matin declares that the situation is grave, owing to the high state of Italian feeling. The Echo de Paris violently attacks Mr Wilson, and urges France to follow Italy's example, declaring that France has much to gain by direct action. Too many concessions have already been made to Mr Wilson's ideology. The Journal remarks: Mr Wilson's act is contrary to all diplomatic usages. The Italians make the best answer, promising the best results. Le Journal describes the incident as a crisis, adding • " The bridges are down." Le Matin says: "Mr Wilson's action is inexplicable at a moment when, on his advice, the Germans were invited to Versailles. It is equally inexplicable that the Germans-were invited when a serious disagreement was threatening." The French Chamber of " Deputies received with tremendous applause a motion to send to Italy an assurance of friendship. London newspapers are critical over President Wilson's action and it is suggested he is using Fuime as a preliminary similar action against, Japan. The breach of secrecy by the issue of the manifesto is condemned. . ~ A London Labour leader has congratulated Mr Wilson. AMERICAN OPINIONS.

It is reported that Mr Wilson's manifesto was prepared several days ago, but

•was withheld pending discussion of Mr Lloyd George's proposition. American circles declare that it is America's. last word on the subject. This may mean that America will make a separate peace, tear herself adrift from the European situation, and leave the Allies to arrange peace in their own way. It probably strikes the death knell of the League of Nations. It is considered unlikely that Britain and France will depart from the pact or make a separate peace without Italy. Mr Wilson's dictum practically applies to the Japanese-Chinese case, which involved nearly similar points. Briefly, America does not stand for cutting up any nation among the victors.

. Official circles look upon Signor Orlando's withdrawal as done for effect. They believe that his attitude is merely designed _ to impress the Italian people. It is pointed out that strong opposition to _ the Orlando Government is being voiced in Italy. Mr Lane (Secretary of. the Interior) says it would be unjust that Jugo-Slavia should give Fiume to Italy, in view of the necessity for an adequate sea outlet to the Croatian hinterland. The granting of the Italian claims would result in perpetual friction. Interest in the Fiume situation is unabated. The Republican newspapers seize "the opportunity to utilise Italian feeling against Mr Wilson as arguments against the President's policy. The New York Sun characterises Italy's proposed appeal over Mr Wilson's head to the American Congress as poetic justice, and _ adds : The people of Italy are disillusioned regarding the world rebuilder. The New York Times declares that Signor Orlando is inconsistent with his previous advocacy of Italo-Slav solidarity. GERMANY JUBILANT. German newspapers make the most of the Paris contretemps. Some say that Italy now finds she made a mistake'in deserting the German Alliance. Others say that Italy is beinpj victimised for the" benefit of Wilson's 14 points, while Franco and Britain get a long share, regardless of these points. The papers hope that Germany will benefit from the Entente disunion. Others consider that the decisions already reached will be Tevised. Some press comments are exceedingly bitter, accusing the Allies, especially England, of securing her own interests in Asia, the Pacific, and Africa, regardless f)f the 14 points, while insisting on their tohßnrvancfl in Italy's case.—A. and N.Z.

ITALIAN INTENTIONS. The Italians intend to occupy Dalmatia and Fiume with 100,OOCLmen immediately. They threaten a separate peace with i Germany. I Signor Orlando has handed over Italy's ! interests to Britain and France, thus pay- ' ing a tribute to their loyalty. In his statement Signor' Orlando said that President Wilson's action is a departure from diplomatic customs, and leaves the Italians no option. King Victor has endorsed Signor Orlando's action. The Italian delegates accuse President Wilson of bad faith in publishing his statement ,when the Italians were making a supreme effort to find a modus vivendi. The Italians have postponed their departure from the Peace Conference until 8 p:m. It is understood that numbers of latlian troops have been despatched to Fiume. THE PACT OF LONDON. The New York Times Paris correspondent sends the text of the agreements between Japan and England, and between Japan, France, Italy, and Russia, made in February, 1917, whereby the Powers agreed to support Japan's claims to islands formerly German in the Pacific north of the Equator, and the Japanese claims to Shantung, while Japan agreed to support Britain's claims to islands south of the Equator. The correspondent says that President Wilson and the Chinese delegates were unaware of this arrangement when the Peace Conference opened; but when the question of mandatories was being discussed Mr Lloyd George said that an arrangement regarding the Pacific Islands was already reached. There was an awkward moment when President Wilson asked the nature of that agreement, which was then explained. Britain, in a message to Japan of February 16, 1917, said, with reference to Japan's desire for an assurance of Britain's support of Japan's claims at the Peace Conference, that the British Government acceded with pleasure to the request to support Japan's claims regarding the disposal of Gei-many's rights to Shantung and the islands north of the Equator, it being understood that the Japanese Government would treat in the same spirit Britain's claims to the German islands sruth of the Equator. Japan replied that Britain's attitude was a fresh proof of the close ties that united the- two Powers, and agreed to support Britain's claims. It is known that President Wilson re-

[fuses to take any action in reference to I the' Franco-British Alliance. The Italian claims are likely to prejii- : dice the League of Nations fundamentals. The Matin says: " We told President ' Wilson that the Pact of London is sacred to France. We have no power to con--1 elude peace without the accord of Italy." ; THE CASE FOR CHINA. The council heard the case for China on the 22nd inst. The Japanese themselves wish to hand over Kiau-Chau to the Chinese, presumably in order to make certain stipulations. The Chinese view was that, as the treaties with Germany are abrogated by the war, the territory should automatically revert to China. _ The council's view was that consideration of the case was not concerned in the making of peace with Germany, especially as under the treaty Germany woidd have to renounce her possessions; therefore the council suggested that the settlement between China and Japan should be deferred. Both parties agreed to refer the suggestion to their respective Governments for decision. The New York Sun's Paris correspondent states that President Wilson is determined to have the whole question of mandatories deferred until the first meeting of the League of Nations, which will probably be on October 1. Britain and France have lodged the strongest objections to President Wilson's wishes, pointing out that the course he proposes would leave the territories to which mnndatories will apply in a dangersatisfy Chinese convention. . The points in dispute between China and Japan have been referred to a committee of experts to endeavour to arrive at a solution. THE JAPANESE ATTITUDE. The New York Sun Paris correspondent states that members of the Peace Conference are planning to insert in the League covenant a clause recognising racial equality in order to placate the Japanese element and assure peace by May. The Avording of the clause will be so wide as to be harmless. The British representatives are making a supreme effort to pacify Mr Hughes and get him to.promise that he will not hold out against some form of concession to the Japanese. The United Press Rome correspondent states: The Group Deputies carried a resolution that Italy refuse to join the League of Nations unless awarded Fiume, Sara, and the Dalmatian Islands. The New York Herald's Paris corre-

spondent says: The Japanese delegates are unofficially intimating that if they are defeated on the question they will quit the conference like Italy. I The Poles are also threatening withdrawal unless Dantzig be made completely I theirs. • ! The Daily Chronicle's Paris correspondI ent asserts that the Japanese are prer pared to sever from the peace negotiations I arther than give up Kiao-Chau. 1 The New York Herald's Tokio correj spondent cables i Members of Parliament i and publicists at a mass meeting passed a resolution that Japan should not join the League of Nations. The correspondent i adds: The Japanese press published a cable from Paris containing "a statement attributed to Mr Hughes, wherein he said that the settlement declaring that Australia led the opposition to the Japanese racial equality amendment originated in a certain country which is opposed to Japanese immigration but is unwilling to appear unfriendly to Japan. A mass meeting of the League of Racial Equality adopted a resolution that Japan shall not join the League of Nations if racial equality is not adopted. The New York Times Paris correspondent says a member of the Japanese delegation stated that if Mr Wilson issues a statement concerning Shan-tung similar to the statement on Italy's Dalmatian claims Japan will withdraw from the Peaoe Conference. Le Matin states that if the League of Nations does not include racial equality Japan will withdraw.—A.-and N.Z. Cable. Treaty, no matter who withdraws. The Chicago Tribune's Paris corresspondent reports that present indications are that Great Britain will not support Japan's claims against China. Great Britain did not support the Japanese request for the endorsement of equality of races, claiming that the positions of Australia and Canada did not permit of such endorsement. There is talk of Japan withdrawing from the Peace Conference if she is not granted Shantung, but best informed circles point out that the remaining members of the Conference would continue their work of framing the Peace Treaty,' no matter who withdraws. NEGOTIATIONS TO BE CONTINUED. British Headquarters states that Signer Orlando's departure will not necessarily mean the disruption of negotiations, because a number of matters of internal politics urgently await his attention in Rome. The United Press is authoritatively informed that the Allies are preparing to make, peace with Germany without Italy's signature.

I The Council of Four, with Baron Son. nino replacing Signor Orlando, discussed some economic clauses of the Peace Treaty, and also the Kiel Ganal. It is reported that the council definitely decided that Dantzig shall be free port with autonomy, as previously cabled. It is understood that the British gates suggested dealing similarly with Fiume, giving the sovereignty to the Jugoslavs. Thus the Italians would practically have an autonomous control. This was being discussed when Mr Wilson issued his statement. It is asserted that Britain and France are prepared to give Italy muchneeded assistance with regard to coal and other materials. As a free port Fiume would be worked under the League fo Nations. • TENSE MOMENTS AHEAD. The Conference has tense moments ahead this week, with the Italian and Japanese difficulties unsettled and the German delegates on the threshold. The only Italian, delegate remaining behind is Signor Crispi, Food Minister. Signor Orlando's nerfervid reception in Home is more likely to strengthen his attitude than to incline him to compromise. Signor Orlando's speech, pointing out that after four years' war the Italians might have to face, others, and that Italy to-day is readier than in 1915 is not reassuring. The Italians deny that Mr Wilson could have been actuated by a report that Italy contemplated annexation. _ They admit that for many months various patriotic associations have placarded Rome demanding annexation, and Mr Wilson could have seen those on his visit there. _M. Clemenceau has telegraphed to Signor Luzzatti: "The hour of the signaof peace is not the hour to disown our reciprocal engagements. France's policy is not that of a scrap of paper." AN AMBASSADOR RESIGNS. Mr Nelson Page, the American Ambassador to Italy, has resigned. He disajjproves of President Wilson's attitude. The American Admiral in the Adriatic has been ordered to take exceptional pre, cautions to avoid possible disorders. GERMAN LEAGUE OF NATIONS. The German Government has issued the draft of a constitution for another League of Nations, of which all belligerents and neutrals who were parties to The Hague Convention are eligible for membership. The constitution provides for the reduo-: tion of armaments, the internationalisation of all straits and canals, and the abolition of armed ships except those required for

coastal defence and the league's police force.

THE EX-KAISER'S RESPONSIBILITY. There is a belief that the Powers will bring the ex-Kaiser to trial and endeavour to secure his exile from Europe. It is understood that a majority of the Crimes Commission favour this oourse, although Mr Lansing (U.S.A. Secretary of State) is opposed to such trial, on the ground that there is no power for it under file law.

The Japanese, too, are opposed, holding views on kingly sanctity. It is believed that President Wilson and his colleagues on the Council of Four do not share Mr Lansing's views. The War Responsibility Commission places the entire responsibility for the Ijyar on the Central Powers. It enumerates 32 indictments of inexcusable crimes, and gives an opinion on the degree of responsibility of various individuals, naming the ex-Kaiser twice by way of example. The American minority report on the responsibility for the war refuses to countenance the prosecution of the heads of States for illegal acts where the people have responsible government; therefore the Kaiser is not punishable. A CATALOGUE OF TERRIBLE CRIMES. The Crimes Commission has furnished a schedule of each of the 31 categories of Crime. It is an appalling document, and incidentally shows the excellence of the Allied spy system. It contains the names of many of the perpetrators of the worst crimes, even signed orders for their perpetration being given. It .covers the principal massacres of Belgians, French, Greeks, and Serbians. & The worst cases are the submarine sinkings, though it is noteworthy that*, the Lusitania is not mentioned. It gives the names of more than 50 Turks and Germans who are responsible for murdering, burning alive, and drowning 200,000 Armenians Jbetween 1914 and 1918. The document proves that the civilians of Belgium and France were used to shield the German troops. Ten thousand civilians ■were hanged. .It describes in a long category the most horrible crimes and outrages committed by Bulgarians. Bodies of the victims were left to dogs and pigs to devour, and in many villages no woman was spared violation, often under most awful circumstances. Of the 100,000 Serbians interned 50,000 have returned broken in health. The document authenticates that man and Austrian authorities carried off 10 per cent, of the Serbian female popu lation during 1915-18. The schedule com{arises a tale of wanton devastation, ruthesa slavedriving, tyranny, the ill-treat-ment of prisoners, and other descriptions of frightfulness. THE TRIAL OF RESPONSIBLE PERSONS. The Crimes Commission's report on the responsibility of authors of the war shows that the American and Japanese delegates dissented from the other delegates. The Americans disapprove of the trial of the ex-Kaiser by an international tribunal on moral charges. They disagree with the whole methods by which the commission proposes to punish those guilty of plotting the war. They also protest against the commission including in the scope of its inquiry breaches of the laws of humanity. The majority report Tecommends the trial of all responsible for breaches and customs of war and the laws of humanity, hut those whose acts caused the war and preaches of neutrality—notably the exKaiser, who should not be tried but should be formally condemned by the conference. It is pointed out that the sole duty of the conference is to find a true bill, and unanimity is not essential to subsequent proceedings. The report recommends two kinds of procedure—one enabling any belligerent to try in its own courts any accused person In its custody. This would enable an English court to try submarine commanders. The other procedure applies to highly-placed personages, and proposes the Establishment of an international court. THE CUSTODY OF GALLIPOLI. Official: It is practically certain that the Peace Treaty with Turkev will include a clause ensuring the British ownership and permanent care of the Gallipot! graves. This question has been consistently advocated at the sessions of the Imperial War Cabinet by Mr Massey, who in Paris also had many interviews on the subject With Mr Balfour, Viscount Milner, .and the drafting experts. A clause is now drafted providing that the ownership in certain land be transferred in perpetuity to the British Government, in order that it may be set apart and maintained as a cemetery and a memorial for soldiers who fell in the Gallipoli campaign. The Turkish Government must, within six months after the treatv operates, vest the exclusive title in the British Government, who will be entitled io transfer it to an Imperial Graves Commission or some other organisation, with the full right to make any improvements. The land is to be free from any form of Turkish taxation, and free access is to be given to British officials and any persons desiring to visit the cemetery. Subject to these limitations, the Turkish sovereignty over the land remains unimpaired: put the Ottoman Government will at all times prevent the violation of rights and any desecration of the graves. THE QUESTION OF MANDATES. The Echo de Paris states that America's agreement to accept the League of Nations mandate over Armenia has boon confirmed. The New York Sim's Paris! correspondent states that President Wilson ia determined to have the whole question of man'datories deferred until the first meeting

of the League of Nations, which will probably be on October 1. Britain and France have lodged the .strongest objections to President Wilson's wishes, pointing out that the course he proposes would leave the territories to which mandatories will apply in a dangerous and unsettled situation.

The British delegation discussed the draft of the mandates. The difference between New Zealand's, Japan's, and Australia's mandates is that, while all now provide for the absorption of territories in the event of natives expressing a wish satisfying the league, New Zealand's and Japan's mandates provide for absorption, but will not give a country the right to fortify its territories, whereas the Australian mandate does not contain this provision. The British delegation discussed the French proposals for the exchange and readjustment of colonial possessions. It is understood that there is no proposal that the British should leave the New Hebrides, though possibly there may be a division. NAVIES OF THE DOMINIONS. The question of the dominions' navies was further discussed. The British would like New Zealand to accept at least two cruisers of the Sydney class, while Australia can have practically anything in the way of a new navy she thinks she can afford. PROTECTING FRANCE. Replying to a cablegram of inquiry, President Wilson announced that he would not take any action either in defence of the Franco-British Alliance to protect France against future aggression or of Italy's Adriatic claims, lest he should prejudice the League of Nations or conflict with its fundamental principles. The New York Times Washington correspondent states that it is officially an nounced that statements published in some papers saying that Mr Wilson had entered a secret alliance with certain Great Powers had no foundations. MEXICAN OBJECTIONS. It is announced unofficially that Mexico refuses to recognise the Monroe Doctrine. The Mexican Ambassador at Paris has been ordered to Spain to await instructions. There is bitter resentment in Mexico at the failure to be invited to send a neutral representative to Paris, especially in view of the Mexican repugnance to Monroeism. The Washington correspondent of the New York Times states that the Mexican Government has informed the French Government that Mexico cannot recognise the financial clause in the armistice under which Germany promised the Allies that she would not dispose of any property held in foreign countries. Mexico contends this promise is contrary to the Mexican Constitution and the terms of the GermanMexican treaty.

VARIOUS ITEMS. The Journal des Dehats states that the Allies will retain Sebastapol. Official: Numerous meetings of the British Empire delegation are now being held, dealing wtih Peace Treaty matters. The United States Note recognising the Egyptian Protectorate expresses the sympathy of President and people with the legitimate aspirations of Egyptians for a further measure of self-government, but views with regret efforts to obtain it violently. In consequence of many German officers serving with the Bolshevist army, a clause will be inserted in the military terms of the peace treaty forbidding German military missions abroad for the purpose of training foreign armies. PEACE CELEBRATIONS. It is probable that three days' holiday will be proclaimed in July to celebrate the consummation of peace. The days will be devoted to thanksgiving services, and a great procession in London of representatives of the Empire in war efforts on the first day. The second day will be devoted to local processions,' and other features, including bonfires, and fireworks are being arranged. The Australian Government has decided upon two days as the period for the Peace celebrations—Sunday for thanksgiving Monday for the holiday.