ROYAL COMMISSION SITTING

Otago Witness, Issue 3245, 24 May 1916, Page 22

ROYAL COMMISSION SITTING

33R MATTHEW NATHAN'S EVIDENCE. LONDON, May 18. The Royal Commission on the Irish rebellion held its first sitting at Westminster to-day. Lord Harclinge, who presided, said the commission proposed to inquire what system existed by which officials might be made acquainted with the movements culminating in the outbreak, what information each responsible official had obtained) to whom that information had been conn municated, and what steps had been taken in consequence. Sir Matthew Nathan, ex-Under-seeretary to the Lord-Lieutenant, gave evidence that the National Volunteers were formed iiil answer to the Ulster organisation. He next read the manifesto of the majority, of the provisional committee opposing Irer land's participation in the war. Out ol 180,000 members on the roll prior to the manifesto being issued, only 11,000 had adhered to the disloyal section, while the vast bulk declared their loyalty to Mr Redmond and the Nationalist Parliamentary Party. Sir M. Nathan also read the manifesto in which the disloyal section declared that henceforth Ireland should provide her own defences by means of a permanent army and trained volunteers, These forces would also forcibly resist any attempt to place Irishmen in military service until a free National Government had been established. Sir M. Nathan went on to say that an impetus had been given to the National Volunteers owing to the fear that the Military Service Pill would be made to apply to Ireland. This had brought many into the Sinn Fein movement, whose numbers at the beginning of the disturbance were estimated at 15,200, inclusive of 12,000 in the provinces. CONSIDERABLE SUMS FROM AMERICA were used for the purchase of arms and printing seditious newspapers and leaflets, while paid organisers were sent into the provinces. The police estimated that before the outbreak these volunteers had 1886 rifles, pistols, and "popguns." There were about 825 rifles in Dublin alone, while explosives were found in different places. Steps were taken to prevent civil servants from joining the volunteers. The action taken against promulgating seditious literature had been less strict. The Irish Government considered that it was important that the Irish Volunteers should not become a military organisation, and steps were taken to prevent their securing arms and ammunition. Until three days prior to the outbreak, continued witness, there was no definite proof of any connection with a foreign enemy. A memorandum was then reported to have been found upon a proGerman leader, which stated that the Germans intended to make a combined offensive by land, air, and sea to secure victory before May, and requesting the Irish Volunteers to be ready to render their promised assistance. The Young Irish Volunteers on March 16 were anxious to commence the business immediately, but their leaders were against a rising, Mr MacDonagh stating that it would be sheer madness to attempt it unless help were forthcoming. The authorities received a report on March 27 that a rising of the volunteers was not feared, as they would be standing alone, and were unprepared for a long campaign in which the majority of their ranks were untrained, and" would have to encounter trained troops. The volunteers gradually! endeavoured to secure rifles and ammunition and to store as large a quantity as possible. This pointed to THE EXISTENGE OF A REAL DANGER, but the authorities considered that Government raids for arms or attempts at disarmament would only cause * bloodshed. Dublin Castle had received information that German submarines would attempt to land arms in Ireland. At this stage Sir M. Nathan stopped and said : "I had better not read the remainder of my statement." He added that the police and the military on the coast were ordered to keep strict watch. Learning that Dublin Castle was to be attacked the same night, special precautions were taken to protect it. The authorities discussed a police search under military protection, a forcible entry into Liberty Hall, disarmament of the volunteers, and the arrest of the leaders, whose association with a foreign enemy was considered sufficient to justify their arrest, which was decided on with the Chief Secretary's (Mr Birrell) concurrence. Various acts of rebellion were notified on April 24, PISTOL SHOTS BEING HEARD, even while the situation was being discussed at the Castle. Disarmament cf any body of organised, trained men not under Government control might have alienated the sympathies of many of the local volunteers' Moreover, many Catholics in Ireland had enlisted in the army. For these and for other reasons the volunteers were not suppressed. The Royal Irish Constabulary were considered strong enough to cope with any disorders, together wjth a mobile force of 2000 men and 500 mounted men, with three machine guns, who were always in readiness. These, with 2500 troops at the Curragh, were thought capable of dealing with any outbreak in Dublin; but. contrary to expectations, they

proved insufficient, as the insurrection was conducted with greater organisation and skill than had been attributed to the volunteers, who acted with great courage. Replying to questions, Sir Matthew Nathan said that the regulation regarding the carrying of arms was not enforced in Ireland, because SO MANY WERE CARRYING ARMS for legal purposes, and it would be regarded as trifling to require them to take out gnn licenses. The statute against illegal drilling w r as also never enforced. The President asked why. Sir Matthew Nathan : We are afraid to enforce the Act, being deterred practically for political purposes. Mr Birrell was aware of the facts, and he was aware that women were training to tend the wounded, and that sham fights were being practised for the capture of Dublin Castle. The President remarked that it was extraordinary that they were permitted to make a mimic attack on the Castle without hindrance. Sir M. Nathan : We were accustomed to all sorts of operations in Ireland." He admitted that it was an undesirable development, but the authorities did not think the mimic attack was meant to precede a real attack in connection with an enemy landing. It was believed that INTERFERENCE WOULD CAUSE BLOODSHED, whereas the movement would blow over if it were ignored. Sir M. Nathan explained that the manifesto previously mentioned was issued by the original Provisional Committee of the Irish Volunteers on the eve of the Prime Minister's meeting on 25th September, 1914. The manifesto regretted that Sir Roger Casement's absence prevented his signing it. Sir M. Nathan added that the day after Mr John M'Neill's Irish Volunteers issued a manifesto against forcing Irishmen into the army unless a National Government was established. Mr Redmond's Nationalist Volunteers declined to 165,000, while Mr M'Neill's rose to 13,500. The Nationalist Volunteers on the day of the outbreak numbered 105,000. Out of the Dublin Corps of 3000 men of the Citizen Army in'existence on Easter Menday, the majority belonged to Larkins's Transporters' Union, and they were under the lead of Connolly. They were supported by the Irish Republican Fund, which was controlled by men acting with the utmost secrecy. It was believed that close association between the Citizen Army and the Irish Volunteers dated from the end of 1915, but they had doubtless in recent months worked as one. The Executive Committee consisted of 12 men, comprising both volunteers and leaders of the Citizen Army. These leaders constituted an inner circle for maturing plans for the insurrection. May 18. The late Chief Secretary for Ireland (Mr Birrell) said he did not desire to add or modify Sir Matthew Nathan's statement. He then read his own statement, remarking that the folly of Sinn Feinism had led many brave fellows to their doom, in the belief that any revolution would be better than none. If at the outset of the war Home Rule had not been placed on the Statute Book there would have been a revolt. He contended that gunrunning, the Orange Covenant, and a Provisional Government with all the pomp and circumstance of rebellion, had produced a prejudicial effect on disloyalists elsewhere. There was a spirit abroad that what others were allowed to do they could do. Ireland, through Mr Redmond's patriotism, had preserved in war time an unbroken front, but many did not agree with Mr Redmond's attitude. It was impossible to over-estimate the effect which Sir E. Carson's entering the Cabinet had produced on the minds of the people. Had Mt Redmond entered the Cabinet he would not have remained the leader of the Nationalists. No doubt German assistance was at the bottom of the rebellion. The war had turned many heads, and had upset all prudent calculations. Replying to Lord Hardinge, Mr Birrell said he realised that during the past two years there was a dangerous movement. He had evidence that disarmament would have been a dangerous policy, and added: "Mr Redmond stated in the House of Commons that the Sinn Feiners were negligible, but I did not attach much importance to his opinion in that matter, because I was quite sure they were dangerous. Mr- Dillon also strongly favoured non-intervention. We had daily reports from the Irish Constabulary in all parts enabling us to form a correct opinion." Mr Birrell continued: " I always felt ignorant and nervous as to what might be occurring in the cellars at Dublin. Towards the middle of April I heard that Dublin Castlo was to be attacked. I had conferred with Lord Kitchener and Lord French between March 20 and 27, 'urging them to send more soldiers to Dublin, believing that if they paraded with their bands and bayonets it would have a good effect. But they were busy training men, and were unable to spare any troops ; but in the event of trouble they could have moved troops from Liverpool quickly. Lord Wimborne's view was as strong as mine, and it was submitted to the military authorities. Although unable to reside in Ireland except at Christmas, Easter, Whitsuntide, and for a short time in summer, I have visited more parts than any of my predecessors. Events have shown that the Irish Covernment is infctrfficiently provided in the matter of a

Criminal Investigation Department. The revolution was doomed to failure, but if there had been a German invasion as well the whole population might have risen for or against us. We made no effort at a general disarmament, because we considered it dangerous." Mr Justice Shearman: Meanwhile the Germans might have landed. Why wasn't the overt drilling suppressed? Mr Birrell: We thought it would be difficult to prove its association with the enemy; also it would have required soldiers to carry it out, and bloodshed would have resulted in the west, north, and south-east. The policy of non-interven-tion in the case of Ulster was Cabinet's decision, but it was not so in the case of the Sinn Feiners. Mr Birrell also said that the Sinn Fein was composed of the old anti-British element, and hatred and distrust were always noticeable in all places and amongst classes, varying in degree but ever present as a background to Irish politics. The character of this feeling was hard to define. It was easy to discern though incapable of exact measurement. " You may assume that these will always be dangerous." Mr Shearman's questions were of a most searching nature. Mr Birrell excused his continued absence from Dublin by the necessity of his attending Cabinet when it was deliberating on Ireland. He astonished the court by saying, " A jackdaw and magpie would have done as well." He admitted that he ought to have used his powers to stop the landing of arms. The moment of greatest risk was at the outbreak of the war, when it might have been necessary to mobilise 60,000 soldiers to keep down Ireland, but Mr Redmond's speech had averted the danger. Mr Birrell, questioned whether he had had special warnings of trouble, said: " The constabulary reports enable us to form a correct estimate in each locality. These vary much according to the character of the" priests. If the priests are antiSinn Feiners, Sinn Feinism dies out; if the clergy foster Sinn Feinism, it is promoted and extended. He would not care to say how many turbulent priests there were, but there was a considerable number. The inquiry was adjourned to Monday. MR ASQUITH \S VISIT. LONDON, May 16. Mr Asquith had a private three hours' conference with a dozen leading Belfast commercial men. There was a frank and free discussion of the present situation. It is believed that the conference particularly concerned the general disarmament of the Irish Volunteers and the position of the Ulster Volunteer Force. During his trip Mr Asquith had conferences with administrators only, the politicians remaining in London. May 16. When Mr Asquith visited Richmond Barracks 100 rebels were awaiting transfer to England. The officers took measures to prevent them from seeing the Prime Minister, but Mr Asquith expressed a wish for a closer acquaintance, especially with those who had probably been duped or tricked into rebellion. He talked with many mere lads, to whom he used words which apparently touched them deeply. Mr Asquith continues to hold informal conferences in Dublin. May 17. The Exchange Telegraph Company states that Mr Asquith has been sworn in as an Irish Privy Councillor, thereby joining the Irish Executive. This step gives weight to the suggestion that Mr Birrell's successor will not be appointed at present. Mr Asquith is responsible to the House of Commons for the Irish Executive and its administration. May 19. Mr Asquith, when in Cork, interviewed members of the Municipal Council, clergy, military, and police. He was accorded an ovation on leaving for London. May 20. Advices from Ireland suggest that Mr Asquith is discussing the formation of an executive council with wide administrative powers sitting in Dublin as an Irish Cabinet, but not possessing powers to enact legislation or impose new taxation. The opinion of the Irish leaders will be sought before Tuesday. Mr Asquith visited the King and gave an account of his Irish mission. Lord Wimborne is coming to London. It is understood that his resignation has not yet been accepted. Mr Asquith will face his busiest day on Tuesday in the House of Commons. Dozens of questions are awaiting him. His statement is not likely to go closely into developments, as these are still in a delicate stage. The Manchester Guardian states that Mr Asquith found the Ulstermen stubborn, but hopes that they will co-operate in a settlement. MORE RINGLEADERS TRIED. LONDON, May 16. A number of the Enniscorthy ringleaders have been tried. Sentence of death was passed on one, but it was commuted to 10 years' imprisonment. At the inquest upon Patrick Beaten, whose body was dug up in a Dublin cellar after the rising, the jury found that Beaten was unarmed, and was shot by soldiers holding him prisoner. The medical evidence favoured the theory that Beaten was shot from a distance.

MR T. P. O'CONNOR'S VIEWS. LONDON, May 16. Mr T. P. O'Connor, in an article in Reynolds's Newspaper, states : "An overwhelming majority of the Irish .condemned the rebel movement as insane, futile, and dangerous to the national cause, even if successful. The Dublin insurgents represented only a small section. Thousands of youths were brought into the rebellion on false pretences. Many thought they were being called out for the ordinary Sunday parade, and their, mothers kept their dinners hot, expecting them to return. Hundreds of others were incited by lies. They thought that 30,000 Germans had landed on the Kerry coast, that a German submarine and torpedo-boat - had sailed up the Liffey, that France had mado peace, and that England had avowed herself beaten. The credulity of these unfortunate dupes was played upon in many ways. German money and agents had been pouring into Ireland for some time. Doubtless Germany never intended to attempt the invasion of Ireland ; but German politicians are never averse to risking the lives of many Irishmen in order to embarrass Germany's chief enemy." DAMAGE IN DUBLIN. LONDON, May 17. An official statement has been issued in Dublin that a State grant will be made ex gratia in respect of damage, the maximum amount being the liabilities which the insurance companies would have incurred if the damage had been accidental. The grant covers damage by burning and looting. Any persons guilty of complicity m the outbreak will not benefit. It is understood that the insurance companies will voluntarily co-operate. Captain James White, son of the late field-marshal (the hero of Ladysmith), was charged at Aberdare with being concerned in an alleged plot to bring the Welsh miners out on strike if Connolly was shot. ACCUSATIONS AGAINST SOLDIERS. LONDON, May 19. Many accusations of brutality against the troops are current in Dublin, including the accusation that soldiers killed unarmed, unoffending citizens. General Maxwell, when interviewed, said there was most desperate fighting in North King street. The rebels fired from the rcofs and upper windows, moving -from house to house, sometimes escaping from back doors, and then firing upon the troops from behind. In each house we had searched we found rebels, always hiding behind women. They threw away their rifles and herded like timid citizens, with their wives, in cellars. It was difficult to control troops under such circumstances. When they saw their comrades killed by unii'ormless, treacherous assailants some might "see red." He ordered the strictest inquiry, and would parade the battalions concerned to see if the accusers could identify the officers or men who were responsible. Some of the allegations were false, and were made in order to establish a claim upon the Government for compensation. IRELAND'S TROUBLE. LONDON, May 21. Sir Horace Plunkett suggests that Ireland should be put under a commission, the more completely Irish in constitution the better, with wide powers enabling it to secure effectiveness for its decisions. The commission will open the way to a new and fully representative government until after the Avar, when permanent settlement can be effected. Such a commission should be a small body with an advisory council co-operating with it. The Daily Mail and the Daily Chronicle advocate reopening the 1914 Buckingham Palace Conference on broader lines, in order to seek a settlement of the Irish situation. THE LEADER LYNCH. WASHINGTON, May 20. President Wilson has cabled to the British Government asking it to delay the execution of Jeremiah Lynch, one of the leaders, until the American Government has had time to investigate.