THE CHALMERS SEAT.

Otago Witness, Issue 3167, 25 November 1914, Page 56

THE CHALMERS SEAT.

ADDRESS BY Mil W. D. MASON. Mr W. D. Mason, who is contesting the Chalmers seat in the House of Representatives in the L-'beial interest, addressed a meeting of electors in the Coronation Hall, Mosgiol, on the 23rd. The Mayor of the borough (Mr A. F. Quelch) occupied the chair, and the hall was well filled by what proved to be an attentive audience. The Mayor, in introducing Mr Mason, referred in sympathetic terms to the enforced retirement of Mr H. E. Moller, and expressed the hope that the rest which Mr Moller was taking would tally restore his health. Mr Mason was an able advocate of the Liberal cause, and had had experience in politics, and had devoted a great deal of time to the public interest and public affairs. He was known to be a candid and straightforward man. Ho called upon Mr Mason to address those present. Mr Mason prefaced his remarks by stating that no oru3 regretted more than himself the circumstances which had compelled Air Moller to retire from the contest. The circumstances which had called him into the political arena wore certainly beyond his control. Ho did not seek the position which he occupied that night—in fact, ho was very much averse to occupying it. Nevertheless, he considered it his duty to fill the breach as a champion of the cause of Liberalism and Labour.—(“Hear, hoar.”) Ho had therefore entered the field on behalf of the Liberal Party in the Chalmers electorate. On any previous occasion on which ho had contested a scat in Parliament ho had made it a principle and a point of honour that ho would not under any circumstances strike a blow r beneath the belt, no matter what the provocation might bo—“{Hear, hear”), —but, unfortunately, the experience that had mot the lot of every Liberal condidate who might enter the field was that ho had not only opponents who would meet him on the public platform or in the public press, but ho had also to combat the kind of insidious reptile that burrowed in the dark grass of obscurity and disseminated slander and malice abroad. That day as he had come through the district he had heard of a slander which ho thought had been scotched, killed, and utterly annihilated by his friends at Middlemarch on the occasion of the last election, but it had evidently again been revived in a portion of the Chalmers electorate. He had noticed that the gentle critic of the Otago Daily Times had pointed out to his readers that an extreme Socialist had been chosen to stand for the Chalmers electorate. He bad also coupled his (the candidate’s) name with another candidate, as sailing under the same banner, knowing full well that there were no two men who were in more absolute contradiction to each other than himself and the gentleman with whom his name had been coupled. When a man told them that he was an extreme Socialist —well, there was only one way of replying to it, but ho was not going to use that method; and the story which was being circulated was that he was an Atheist. It was a malicious, deliberate, and cowardly lie. He was a man who did not make professions of religion of any kind—though he had religious beliefs, he kept them to himself and the friends who thought as he did. Pie had never asked any man what his religious views were, and did not allow others to question his. —(Applause.) Ho proposed to review the politics of what was called the Reform Party—the party which had come into power some two years and nine months previously by a very curious process. The Reform Party represented, as had been truly said, the minority of the people. It bad by' devious ways and means achieved that power it had been seeking so long, and had been put in a position of carrying out its promises, if it so desired. The* Reform Party had charged the Liberal Party with reckless borrowing and still more reckless expenditure, with lax administration, extravagant administration, and had promised, if entrusted with the reins of government, to bring about the reduction of borrowing and keep down the expenses of administration. The Reform Party had told them what horrible things they would find if it could only get its paws inside the recesses of the Ministerial Chambers. It would introduce a different system of conducting the public works, a better system of land settlement and of finance, and bring in a new political heaven and earth, and shower blessings of rain on the community. The question to be asked, however, was how had it carried out its promises. What result had it to show after its two years and a half of administration? At the present time he knew there was a great deal of distress brought about by the war, but ho would like to ask the workers, the farmers, if they had ever seen so many swaggers travelling- the country during the 18 years preceding the advent of the Reform Party as during the months preceding the outbreak of the war. —(A Voice: “ No.”) In the district in which he lived the number of men to be seen carrying swags and looking for work was remarkable —it was quite evident that the blessings of reform did not reach the workers. There had not been the slightest change in the manner of carrying on public works except one—a greater portion of the public works in the South Island and new public works opened in the North Island. This was one change, however, that they were not promised. They were promised a better system of finance —that excessive borrowing should cease. Had it ceased? Despite all the Reform Party’s promises, the fact was indisputable that the public debt had increased at a greater rate than it increased for a similar period during the administration of the Liberal Party'. That was one promise that had broken down. But Air Allen, that heaven-born financier, told them that he had discovered a new and wonderful way of decreasing responsibility' by securing loans on hotter terms than his predecessors. What was this wonderful patent? He proposed to borrow, and indeed had borrowed, money for long periods. Ho said that the finances were to be put in bettor condition, because by_ giving great concessions in the direction indicated he was able to raise loans with loss expense. It was curious that Air Allen had discovered a system that every financier and business man would repudiate. He dared say that some of those present in days not so prosperous had found a mortgage falling due, and if they had asked for a renewal when money was dear they- would inevitably find that the lender was ready to lend on good security for a long term of years. Why? Because ho wanted to invest his money for as long a time as possible when money was dear. If a man thought that there was a prospect of a drop in the money market in two years he would be very foolish if he did not borrow for two years when money would be cheaper. Mr Allen’s new die-

covery was as old as the hills, and as expensive as it could possibly be. In connection with our railways we had been promised better legislation. There were great inducements held out as to what the present Government would do if it got into power. It was going to give farmers the gieatost possible help. It had been years in office, and what help had the farmers received ? The Government had brought out from the Old Country an important personage at a big salary, and they had now permission to smoke on railway platforms. That was a splendid reform, but hardly worth £3OOO a year. Let them look at the tariff, and see if there had been any reduction on the carriage of produce. Tney would have noticed Mr Donald Reid s circular, which pointed out that farmers had been charged practically double the rate they had been charged for the last 25 years for the use of a siding- There had been a man in charge of the railways at £1250 a year, and his administration had given the greatest satisfaction, but it was considered necessary to bring out a man from the Old Country. In nis (Mr Mason’s) opinion, that was not necessary. _ The object of a manager of railways in the Old Country was to run railways to the best possible advantage financially apd retain custom, and Mr Hiley had undoubtedly been trained under such a system. If produce could not bo railed at a rate that enabled the producer in the back country to make a profit that would support him and his family, he would not produce at all, and the whole community suffered. Mr Hiley’s report to the Government, after an inspection of the railways, was an absolute confirmation of good management of the railways under the gentleman who had preceded him, and endorsed what had been done ? and a man better acquainted with the requirements of the country could have been got in the dominion. —(Applause.) There was an object in Mr Hiley’s appointment. Sir Joseph Ward had brought the railways up to a pitch of perfection so far as concerned facilities for the transport of commodities such as had never been seen before. When Mr Millar took office there had been a tampering and a humbugging of the railway policy, and what bettor plan could be adopted than to bring out a man upon whom to shovel the responsibility and remove it from the shoulders of the Minister? They had been promised by the Government that they would have a better system of electing members to the House. He went on to speak of the second ballot, under which they got an actual majority, though it might have had some disadvantages. The second ballot should have been kept m force if the Government could not replace it with something better. Instead of doing that the Government wiped out the second ballot with the object of splitting votes to enable the Reform Party to slip back to power on a minority vote. Mr Mason went on to refer to what he termed the despicable tactics in connection with the seamen’s vote, and said that in Dunedin not more than 50 per cent, of the seamen recorded their votes at last election. He asked was it not a right and proper thing that sailors should be able to vote for any special man, that they might at least have one representative in Parliament to speak for them. Touching on the question of the administration of the lands, he said the Reform policy was to be the land for the people, and still more land, and the people for the land. Was that being done? They had been told by the Reform journals—the Otago Daily Times especially —that the State had no interest in the I.i.p. lease. He did not agree with that, and related an incident that had occurred in his own district, where the holder of a 1.i.p., who desired to leave his property on account of old age, agreed to sell his lease to the holder of a small grazing run. The Land Board, however, said “No: the runholder had got sufficient land.” The board, however, was _ circumvented by the conversion of the I.i.p. into the freehold, and in due course an aggregation of land took place. The grazing man now, owned the I.i.p.—a small property of 200 or 390 acres, which would have made a home for one more farmer—and such cases cculd take place in any other part of the country at the present lime.—(“Hear, hear.” Mr Bodkin, the candidate for Central Otago, had drawn attention lb the Omarama Run, and said the position was a scandal. It was a scandal, in spite of anything that might be said to the contrary. They had the Otago Daily Times calling on Mr Bodkin to produce his evidence to maintain his assertion, but what the Times should do was to call on Mr Massey to clear his character of the imputation which had been cast on it. He called on Mr Massey to hold an inquiry within the next three days before a stipendiary magistrate. The witnesses were available, and all that was wanted was Mr Massey’s authority. They should put the members of the Land Board on their oath, arid clear Mr Massey’s fair name of the slur put on it. That was fair and straight. The Omarama Run was held by an absentee land holder, who lived in Great Britain. The Land Board appointed a Classification Commission to examine this property, and report upon its suitability for settlement, whether it should be renewed in its old form, whether it should be cut up into pastoral leases much smaller in size, or whether it should bo divided into small grazing runs. The grazing run system carried settlement conditions, and the upset price was fixed, and in order to give intending settlers a fair chance they had to go to the ballot for it. If, however, it was cut up as pastoral runs the outgoing tenant was allowed to choose one run at the upset, free from competition. Now, Mr Massey stated that he had acted in the best interests of the settlers. The Classification Commissioners reported that the run should bo cub up into 13 grazing runs, and the board unanimously adopted the recommendation. That recommendation was sent to the Minister of Lands, who returned it and replied that he did not approve—that the land should bo cut into pastoral runs. This put up the back of the Land Board, which stated' that in the interests of settlement it' could no agree to the proposal—said grazing runs, and stuck to that attitude. The board knew perfectly well that the outgoing absentee tenant would have the preference of the sons of New Zealand, and absolutely refused to agree to Mr Massey’s proposal. And then Mr Massey threatened the board that if it, did noli agree to his proposal ho would amend the Land Act and !T ; vn the coed'ti—•.« to the pastoral tenant as existed under the grazing run system. Mr Bodkin had said the Act had not been passed, but it had been passed, as the Otago Daily Times said it had. and it very seldom made a mistake —that was, it thought eo. The speaker then quoted from Hansard, wherein Mr Massey, in speaking of clause 17 of the

Land Act, had stated that this clause was intended to remedy another defect. “It was provided —I think, in the Land Act of last year or the Act of 1912—that in the case of land held under pastoral license being cut up, the tenant of the land was entitled to one of the subdivisions, if he chose to take advantage of the opportunity. . . . In the Otago district they found it more convenient to cut up into small grazing runs some of the land which had been held under pastoral license, and where they cut it up into small grazing runs, or any part of it, it was found—this is the opinion of the legal profession—that the provision to which I have referred does not apply, and that the original tenant’s right to one of the subdivisions is taken away. This clause is continuing the right, even if the land is cut up into small grazing rlins.” — (“ Hear, hear.”) Speaking of the despatch of the Expeditionary Force, Mr Mason said those present knew something about the purchase of horses in the Taieri for the force, and also something about the purchase of fodder, and the fitting out of transports. In the purchase of horses numbers of private buyers had been allowed to go through the country “mopping up” horses in front of the Government officials, and making a profit as a result of the patriotic impulses of the people. They could not get a better example of bad management in such a time than that fodder had also passed into private hands, and a profit had been made at the expense of the producer. And when a transport was required the first vessel that came in the way was commandeered, irrespective of the interests of the country. Sir Joseph Ward had called attention to the fact that refrigerating vessels had been fitted up as transports when they were required for the conveyance of perishable commodities, and that the country would find itself in trouble when they were most needed. Then, as to Mr Massey’s administration in connection with the Agricultural Department, which had been established to assist the farmer. Mr Massey had not administered that department in the interests of the farmers. They had been assured that wheat was short in the country. He (MiMason) said, without fear of contradiction, that three days before the war broke out no one had dreamed of a shortage of wheat in the country, and as a proof of that ho would read them a letter from a firm of stock and station agents relative to wheat they were holding. They were told to sell, and the reply was that they had an offer of 4s 2d per bushel, ex store, which was the price they had been offered all along. They did not 'think there was any chance of the market improving; in fact, they were afraid it would go back a little, as the local millers must meet the competition of Australian flour. Was there any more proof required that when the war broke out no one dreamed of a scarcity of wheat. (A voice: “Give us the name of the firm. “Yes,” said Mr Mason, “I will. It is Stronach, Morris, and Co., and the letter is addressed to W. D. Mason, Middlcmarch.” Mr Mason, continuing, said that during a discussion in the House on the food question Mr Massey had emphasised the shortage of wheat in the country, and had said that ho knew long before the war that there was a shortage of 2,500,000 or 1,500,000 bushels. He would tell them how Mr Massey got his information. He (Mr Mason) had got notice that he had not sent in his returns, and after next harvest he would be called upon to send in the number of bushels thrashed per acre, etc. It was through this channel that the Minister got the probable quantity of wheat in the country. Mr Massey had said he knew long before the war broke out that there was a shortage of wheat, but since he did not diffuse the information he received and scatter it among the farmers who were growing wheat, for whose benefit was the information kept back? The speaker severely criticised the action of the Government in connection with the Huntly disaster, and quoted from the evidence of the commission to carry home his points. He said that if a bogus union had not existed at Huntly the tragedy would never have occurred, and that Mr Massey, as Minister of Labour, must take full responsibility for the creation of that bogus union.—(“Hear, hear.”) He also asserted that the Government was a Government of commissions, and that government by commission had got down to such a fine art that Mr Massey was considering the advisability of taking steps to set up a commission to find out when a commission was wanted. —(Laughter.) He (Mr Mason) stood by the policy of the old Liberal Party. None of those extreme views he was credited with took him past that. It was true he had suggested that they should have a fleet of State steamers running between hero and the markets, and he hoped to see a national shipping line lifting our produce and landing it in the markets of the world. He stood b? the old Liberal Party for the closer settlement of the land, and ho was anxious to see the land retained as a stepping stone to the freehold. When Dr M r Nab had proposed to set aside 9,000,000 acres for the old-age pension and education he knew that for all time there was a stepping stone to the freehold of 9.C00.000 acres of national endowments. He held that they should devote themselves to the relief of the suffering. the poor, and th cafflicted, and that widows should be cared for. The late Mr Scddon was the man who had suggested the widows’ pension in the first instance, and no doubt, had he lived, he would have introduced means by which assistance would be given to cripples. If they wanted a man who would represent them fearlessly and stand daily and hourly to the policy nronvsed and expressed from that platform, then they might trust him with confidence.— fApplause.) He concluded by urging them not to split their vote, but to vote solid. A number of questions having been answered. Mr A. Bridges proposed, and Mr A. Wild”ml seconded, that a hearty vote of thanks be accorded to Mr Mason for his able and instructive add-ess, and that the meeting expresses its confidence in hum as a fit. and proper person to represent ePr. Pb-dmevs electorate in the House of Parliament. On the motion being put there was n chorus o' -> vos and a con- spomlmg one of r,oes. and the chairman declared the motion carried.