THE DUBLIN STRIKE

Otago Witness, Issue 3114, 19 November 1913, Page 36

THE DUBLIN STRIKE

MASSED PICKETS A FAILURE. LARKIN’S RELEASE. OBJECTIONS TO A SYMPATHETIC STRIKE. LARKIN AT MANCHESTER. LONDON, November 11. Michael Mullin, a leader of the Dublin transport workers, broke down through hunger-striking. He was removed to the hospital, and placed in a room with two bottles of stout handy. The warder left the room, bub on returning found that the patient had consumed the stout. The massed picketing by the strikers in Dublin proved an utter failure. Not a single worker was deterred from following his employment. The free labourers, however, on returning to their lodgings, were followed by a crowd, and stones were thrown. The police escorts were compelled to use their batons to get the men through. November 12. The rest of the shipping employees in Dublin have struck, and are demanding the immediate release of Larkin. The port is practically closed, and tomorrow’s weekly cattle market lias been postponed in consequence. Eighty thousand women and children in Dublin are in a grievous plight, owing to insufficient supplies of food and clothing for the approaching winter. November 13. Larkin was released from Mount joy Prison this morning. Huge crowds cheered, and carried him shoulder-high to Liberty Hall, where he had a great reception. Larkin immediately issued instructions to the docks, and in a later speech said that everyone who had resumed work while he was in prison must strike again. They were going to win, for they had already beaten the strongest Government of modern times. The Government had made a great mistake in inrprisonning him, and a greater mistake in releasing him. He was going to England to raise the fiery cross, and there would be a general strike in tire United Kingdom in a few hours. Larkin, in the course of his address, said that Lord Aberdeen (the Lord-Lieu-tenant of Ireland) must go. He was a tool in tire hands of unscrupulous Dublin capitalists, and the only fr iends of Dublin were thy working classes of Great Britain. At the opening of a bazaar at Brixtou Miss Asquith said she rejoiced over Larkin’s release, because she thought sedition was a rather medieval offence, especially as Sir E. Carson’s law-abiding modern methods had shorn it of all glamour and lowered it to the level of humdrum respectability. £53,000 has been subscribed for the relief of the Dublin strikers. The Times says editorially that Larkin’s imprisonment was one of the greatest tactical blunders ever known. 'The interpretation is inevitable —viz., that ho was prosecuted trot for talking sedition, but for being a successful agitator. November 14. A procession of 10,000 people took place in Dublin in honour of Larkin’s release from prison. Mr Connoly delivered a speech in which bo said that no vessel would be allowed to leave the port until every imprisoned

striker had been released. The strikers must drill, in view of the next march through the city. He declared that competent leaders had promised their service. When they wanted arms he knew where to obtain them. Mr Havelock Wilson, on being interviewed, said that the Liverpool sailors and firemen strongly protested against Larkin’s declaration for a fiery cross. “We are not going to let Larkin dictate whether we strike or not,” he said.

Other Labour leaders state that nothing is known of a general strike. Mr Birrell, speaking at Bristol, was greeted with prolonged suffrage disturbances and cries of “Tell us about the hundred thousand starving in Dublin.” Mr Birrell justified the authorities’ action against Larkin who, he said, was not released till he had served a sufficient time commensurate with the evidence on which he was sentenced.

There are many signs that the English trade unionist leaders bitterly resent Larkin's outburst. They point out that their sympathy with Larkin was that he had been made a Government victim. It was not meant as sympathy with Hark in as the preacher of a sympathetic strike. The Irish Nationalists resent furiously Larkin’s release, as the party’s interests demanded his seclusion from public affairs. The Labour party, however, insisted on the release, which is regarded as a heavy blow to Mr Eedmond’s prestige. Larkin is now the biggest man in Dublin.

The British trades union leaders are either reticent or ambiguous regarding the possibility of a general strike. 'Die suffragettes maintain that women should not be arrested and tortured in the face of Larkin’s release. November 15. The Irish Executive has invited the employers to suggest modifications in regard to Sir George Askwith’s report. 'The dockers at Liverpool have refused to coal the steamer Ella, on which the strike breakers have been housed at Dublin during the operations of dealing with the shipping held up in that port. The Trades Council, representing 20,000 organised Bristol workers, sent a deputation to Mr Birrell demanding, in violent language, the release of the Dublin strikers. Mr Widdicombe, vice-president of the Council, in a bitter speech charged the Government, and particularly Mr Birrell, with direct responsibility for brutal murders in Ireland. Air Birrell interpreted the accusation as tantamount to calling the Government and the authorities scoundrels.—{Air Widdicombe : Hear, hear.) If such were Mr Widdicombe’s opinion it was useless for the deputation to approach him. He denied that the police were at the call of the employers, and assured the deputation that a judicial inquiry would be held. The Dublin Employers’ manifesto declares that the large majority- of the strikers were not locked out, but left their work of their own accord, refusing to carry out their ordinary duties. No question was raised as to wages, hours, and conditions. The Transport Union was the only union to which the employers objected, and that was because Jt« officials openly counselled the men to break their agreements.

November 17. Mr Larkin, at Manchester, urged the trade unionists not to handle Liverpool goods. Mr Larkin, addressing 4000 people at Manchester, said that ho was there in defiance of the board of the Ancient Order of Hibernians who were the foulest brood that ever cursed the country. After describing the horrors in the slums of Dublin, Larkin vigorously denounced those who appealed to Englishmen to give Home Rule, yet in the next breath accused Englishmen and Scotsmen who offered to receive the starving children of an attempt to proselytise. He denied presuming to dictate a general strike, or telling the trade union quidnuncs and wise men from the east what to do. It was for the heathen to tell them. He added : “You are sending us money and food. I was released from gaol; we can get others released. We must get the ‘scabs’ out of Dublin. Support ns in the fight to obtain the right to combine. What are the unions doing? They are black-legging at ‘scab’ rates, and • t a lower cost to the capitalists than the ‘scab.’ It is time we woke up, and if you want to disgrace your manhood and union by pretending to be friendly by giving money, damn you and your money. —(Cheers.) We don’t want it.” Continuing, Mr Larkin said: —“Wo want you to carry out the ethics of trades unionism. Don't ‘scab’ on us as organised men. If ‘scabs’ handle stuff, are vou going to handle it at Manchester and Liverpool? — (Cries of ‘ No.’) We are being offered up in Dublin as a sacrifice to the Mammon of capitalism, and we say this must be broken down. Don’t only send your money; we shall not thank you for it. It is your duty.”—(Cheers.) Mr Larkin bitterly complained that 800 “ scabs,” soma of whom were wearing the badge of a well-known union, were either in Dublin or were going there. He added that if this was trade unionism it would bo resolved to urge the trade union executives to summon a national conference lor the purpose of taking national action to preserve trades unions’ rights. The Labour party in Dublin at the next general election intends to oppose Messrs Cotton, Clancy, and Abraham, and a considerable number of abstentions will endanger other seats.