The Otago Witness. WITH WHICH IS INCORPORATED THE SOUTHERN MERCURY. (WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 12, 1913.) THE WEEK.

Otago Witness, Issue 3113, 12 November 1913, Page 48

The Otago Witness. WITH WHICH IS INCORPORATED THE SOUTHERN MERCURY. (WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 12, 1913.) THE WEEK.

«« Nunquam ailed natura, aliud sapientia dixit. ’ FOPB.

'Tor full three weeks the Dominion, has been in the throes cf n most serious strike, which, whether it ends immediately or is prolonged for a further period, must ultimately result in the ignominious defeat of the promoters of the struggle. The strike is a two-edged weapon, which, when first wielded, inilicts injury to Capital, and ■wounds the public in certain sore places, but, in the long run, is turned upon the wieklers with fatal and lasting effect. When an attempt is made—as in the present instance —to so spread the strike fever that a purely sectional strike develops alono- the lines of Syndicalism into a general strike, the Nemesis is more certain and severe. The irony of the situation is clearly revealed -when the fact is brought to mind that for more than a decade New Zealand was vaunted before the w orld as the country without a strike, and when the Conciliation and Arbitration Act was cited by social reformers everywhere and in everv~land as a practical and permanent solution of industrial strife. This irony becomes more and more exaggerated when it is remembered that New Zealand is a country where poverty and want are almost practically unknown; where all cases of destitution arc promptly and adequate! v relieved ; where, thanks to eld-age pensions, the aged arc not dependent on charity ; and where democracy has had the first and last word on all matters relating to the genera! social well-being. let, in a land where sweating dares not attempt to raise its head, where child-labour — except, perhaps, in remote dairying districts —ls unknown, and where legislation gives every worker ample opportunity to air his grievances, there has been set :u motion all the machinery of Syndicalism, with the avowed object of paralysing commerce, of dislocating the machinery of industry, and of bringing the entire business of the Dominion to a standstill. Scarcely one cf the incentives to a strike which are commonly cited in the Homeland, can be discovered here. It is safe to assert that the large bulk of the workers, if not altogether content with their lot, are satisfied that their wages and conditions of work are immeasurably better than prevail on the other side of the world. Their quarrel—if it has reached that stage—is rather with the system which Capital represents than with the individual employer, let. at the bidding of a little knot of self-constituted leaders, a large body of workers are found willing to throw away all the advantages gained by peaceful legislation, and to precipitate themselves into a strife which means much immediate loss and more suffering and hardship in the future. And with it all they have the consciousness that their militant efforts, culminating in violence and riot, and begetting terrible bitterness, must end <iisastrously in failure. It is a calm contemplation of these things that seems to call for a serious consideration of the strike from various points of view, in order to help in wise conclusions and to direct a sane course of action.

The Strike Seriously Considered.

Naturally and necessarily .the strike will, by most people not directly interested, be regarded from the point of view of the general public. The social structure in the twentieth century is an exceedingly intricate and delicate piece of mechanism. Man has by a long course of civilisation grown so dependent upon his fellow-man that each 'section of society represents a cog or a wheel in a wonderful piece of machinery, and anything missing or out of place first clogs, and then stops, the wheels from going round. It is this complexity and interdependence that constitutes the menace and mischief of the strike. The aim of the strikers is to lay their hands upon the most vulnerable and vital parts of the human machine in order that they may be able to dictate terms. By such action the public are the first to feel the effects, which, beginning in inconvenience, hasten into hardship, and finally culminate in serious financial loss. In every community the food supplies of the people claim first consideration: the familiar prayer, “Give us this day our daily bread,” has its response in all the organisations for the production, manufacture, and distribution of the foodstuffs of the world. The public naturally resent having the supply of their daily bread interfered with, and have little sympathy with any such interference, unless it can be shown that such interference will he temporary in nature, and likely to have issue in the remedying of some burning grievance. But when the public are conscious that channels have been provided by legislation for the airing of all grievances and for their redress, scant sympathy is felt for those agitators who spend their time in inciting tho workers to revolt, and to using threats and intirhidation to spur the unwilling into such unwise action. As with food supplies, so with the forced cessation of ordinary means of transport. At the dictation of a small band of agitators, steamships, tram way if they could bring it about, the very life-blood of transport communication, the railways—are compelled into inaction, the mail services are hopelessly disorganised, and the ordinary and accustomed intercourse of man with his fellow-man is thrown absolutely out of gear. Under such circumstances, it is not to be wondered at that the general public not only have no sympathy with the

Tho I’nblic Point of Vierr.

present strike, but entirely disapprove oi both the methods by which it has been brought about, and of the ringleaders in the movement. And this absence of sympathy with the strikers, and stern disapprobation of the strike, has found voice in the eager assistance tendered to the authorities in the keeping of order, and the help rendered in endeavouring to set the wheels of the human machine in motion once more.

Joined to the disapprobation of the general public has been the'active co-operation of the farmers in a spirited attempt to break the strike. In America the exigencies of the industrial situation has called into being the professional strike-breaker, whose successful services were most handsomely remunerated. But the farmers of New Zealand have constituted themselves the strikebreakers of the Dominion, and this without fee or reward, but largely in self-defence. The farmers have become a big factor in the strike, and rightly so, since thev are the class most directly and most deeply involved in the interruption of the export trade of the Dominion. Despite all that may he. alleged to the contrary, the farmers have no quanel with the workers as such, nor are they in any way antagonistic to unionists registered under the Arbitration Act. But they have a decided objection to any small section of the community setting themselves up as arbiters aucl dictators, and, by their ill-advised action, imperilling the financial interests of a hard-working class, generally recognised as the backbone of the country. For farmers as a class are essential!v workers; indeed, they know mors of what hard work actually means than most of the agitators responsible for the present dislocation. Mr J. G. Milson. president of the New Zealand Farmers Union, has made the position of the farmers exceedingly plain, and has amplj justified their action in a well and tem-perately-worded manifesto issued by bis executive. The Farmers’ Union disavows all idea of fighting against unionism ; the fact that they are themselves banded in a union indicates their acceptance of its underlying principles. The concern of the farmers and the reason for their action is cited by Mr Wilson under two heads : first, a desire and intention to aid in the preservation of law' and order; and. secondlv, a. determination to have all perishable produce put on board the ships now lying in harbour with the least possible delay. Mr Wilson says—and his words should be carefully pondered by those who wish to have a correct comprehension of the case : “With the origin of the dispute we have nothing to do; but wo have every confidence that the committee which* has the management of affairs, and upon which we have representation, will carry the disturbance of trade to a successful issue. Me can assure the public that, although we have no hostility to. unions or unionism, the farmers are united and determined that they will sea it through at whatever loss and* inconvenience they may be put to.’’ Probably the magnitude and extent of the loss which the farming community will be called upon to suffer as the outcome of this strike will never be fully known. Added to the deterioration of the produce detained at the wharves and in transit by rail, owing to the stoppage of the loading of the vessels, is the neglect of necessary work at the homestead and farms which they have left in order to give their essential aid in bieaking the strike in Auckland and in Wellington. Of graver import than the public inconvenience, or even than the serious loss to the farming comrnunitv, is the shadow of financial crisis which hangs over the entire Dominion, and which deepens every day that the strike is prolonged. For some time past, owing to world-wide causes, over which neither Government nor people in the Dominion had control, the development of New Zealand has suffered from a considerable tightness in the money market—a tightness induced also in the case of this Dominion by a continual tendency to reduction in the balance in values of exports over imports. The New Zealand TradeV Review — an authority on such matters —remarks in its latest 'issue:—“The coming season gives every promise of being one of the best ever experienced; but, unfortunately, this prospect is somewhat marred at present by the serious industrial upheaval now in progress. The farmers are feeling this seriously, as they are unable to draw against their produce until it is shipped, and further, if the dairy factories are unable to ship the butter and cheese, they must soon be compelled to cease accepting supplies. Should the strike be continued much longer or spread further, the effect must he felt in our national income from exports.’’ In the present situation there are three main causes, all making for financial difficulty, and which, in themselves, provide sufficient argument for the speedy ending of the strike. The first cause is national, the second commercial, and the third individual, and each and all merit consideration. The longer the strike continues the more likelihood there is of such a decrease in the volume of exports as will wipe out the present balance —less than one million of money—of exports over imports. And directly that dividing line is passed, as past experience only too sadly shows, a financial crisis is in sight. Next in importance to the national issue is the commercial issue. Much of the commerce of the Dominion is carried on by means of a credit system so nicely calculated in these days ot keen competition that it takes very little to upset the brlance. The moment the credit system is disturbed the banks are compelled to exercise rigid care in curtailing advances, and firm after firm, shorn of its credit, sees nothing but bankruptcy or compulsory winding-up staring it in the face. All produce and all manufacture represent money, and upon the speedy exchange depends the whole course of trade. Once

Tlic Farmers’ Point of View.

The Financial i'ol nt of View

the avenues of transport are blocked, both Jis idle, earning nothing, and all the time expense and outlay are goinjr on. Except in cases where firms have large reserves of capital, this soon becomes a serious matter, and with every day of the strike the' serious point is 'being rapidly approached. The individual issue is almost as serious, "for with the withdrawal of wages from a large section of the industrial community, the spending power of the people is tremendously reduced, and the limited funds in the hands of the unions must by this time be pretty well exhausted. Not only will this inilict hardship and suffering upon the strikers and their families, but the whole trading community shares in the general debacle, and the entire body politic suffers.

Having briefly reviewed the disastrous effects of the strike upon the public, upon the national finances, and upon the farming community, it taut remains to glance at the attitude of the two parties to the struggle, the employers and the strikers. Since the ultimate settlement must be made between employer and employed, it is necessary to inquire whether there exists any actual reason for the prolongation of so unfortunate and unhappy a strife. The employer —be ho an individual, a company, or a corporation—has so much at slake in a mattter of this sort that his self-interest prompts him to a speedy settlement if such settlement be within the bounds ol reason. In this matter the employers have declared that they have no* quarrel with organised labour, that they are only too anxious to recognise unionism, since they find it preferable to deal with a union rather than with individuals; but they must have some guarantee of permanence in any arrangement they make with their employees. They view with growing concern the spirit that inspires the Federation of Labour, the eagerness to stop work at the slightest provocation in cases where peaceful methods would, over and over again, have removed the difficulty. They are alarmed at the impatience manifested by the workers at methods of peace, and they are indignant when agreements are repudiated merely because such repudiation appears opportune and advantageous. They have, therefore, decided in favour of a unionism willing to register under the Arbitration Act, and they see no reason to move one inch from that determination, since, in their opinion, this represents the only possible platform on which permanence may be fixed. The thoughtful man —be he worker or employer—cannot but be struck with the wisdom of the conclusion. In declining to accede to this reasonable request, the onus clearly lies with the strikers.

jhe I'nijilojer.’ I’oiiit of View.

In the course of our brief consideration of the strike situation we come at length to the point of view of the striker, who may be regarded as the pawn in the game. Bewildered and badly led, with a sort of subconsciousness' that he has .hardly had justice meted out to him, the average striker is more to be pitied than to be blamed. Unfortunately for himself, for his wife and family, he has to learn his lessons in a very cruel school of experience. He dimly perceives that something is wrong with the social system, and that he scarcely obtains all that his labour entitles him to' but, led away by the vapourings of agitators, he persistently goes the wrong way to work, and in so doing alienates the very sympathy and support that is essential to his success.’ It would be folly to suppose that 90 per cent, of the men now on strike have willingly consented to a move which to them can only mean loss and defeat. A mistaken sense of loyalty to a mischievous organisation, run in the interests of a few hot-headed and interested agitators, has betrayed them into their present action, and plunged the Dominion into a condition of deadlock, out of which time and thought alone will slowly extricate her. The latest news seems to indicate that large bodies of the strikers are weakening, and it but requires the more resolute among them to disregard the intimidation and threats of the Federation leaders, and, making haste to join the ranks of the newly-formed Arbitration Unions, put an end to an intolerable situation. Once the rubicon is passed, the farmers will be only too pleased to quit the irksome duties as guardians of the peace, and return to their homes and farms. The wheels of the industrial machine will soon go round, bygones will he bygones on the part of both employers and employed, and if a small vessel could he chartered, and provisioned and manned and loaded by the little knot of Rod Federationists who are mainly responsible for all this trouble, the people of New .Zealand could once more sleep calmly in their beds, assured of the promised era of peace and prosperity so rudely interrupted by the advent of the strike.

T: e Strikers’ Point of View.