OUR AMERICAN LETTER.

Otago Witness, Issue 3018, 17 January 1912, Page 7

OUR AMERICAN LETTER.

(From Oor-Own Correspondent >

NEW YORK, November 19. The will of the late Mr Joseph Pulitzer, proprietor of the New York World and the St. Louis Post-Despatch would have been notable because of any one of a dozen benefactions that it was found' to contain when it was admitted to probate here this week. The great size of Mr Pulitzer's estate—some 30,000,000 dollais—will make these benefactions of immediate avail. The will bequeaths 1,000,000 dollars for the founding of a school of journalism at Columbia with a eecond million dollars towards its endowment, and gives 500,000 dollars apiece to the Metropolitan Museum of Art and tho Philharmonic Society of New York. The two trreat and immensely profitable newspaper properties are left to Mr Pulitzer's three sons under elaborate deeds of trust. One hundred thousand dollars goes to the editor's valet, with a similar sum for distribution among the editorial writers of the newspapers. Tho Children's Aid Society of New York receives 5000 dollars, while '50,000 dollars coes for the erection of a fountain, " to be as far as practicable like tl ose in the Place de 'a Concordle, Paris," with still another 50,000 dollars for the erection of a monument to Thomas Jefferson. Both of these works of art are to be ereoted in New York, the adopted city of which Mr Pulitzer became surpassingly fond. No more interesting provisions of the •will are there than those which provide for annual prizes for American attainment. Mr Pultizer came to America friendless and penniless. He fought for a time in the Civil War, and at its close accepted employment of the most menial sort. Ho was a stevedore and roustabout, a waiter in cheap restuarants. and, for a time—and an evil time, whlile cholera' raged, a grave-digger in St. Louis. Ho finally found a better position in a small city post there, and so well did he meet the requests of the newspaper reporters who made a habit of dropping into his office for news that he drifted into that work himself. That was his bent, and it seemed a very little time before he was both editor and proprietor of a prosperous journal in St. Louis. He then drifted to New York, bought the 'World, then in a moribund state, and made it the first of our socalled " yellow journals." It was immensely profitable, and ; t was a proud moment for Mr Pulitzer when he was able to buy an old-timo hotel which had once turned him out of doors, a miserable immigrant, and demolish it to mako a site for what was at that time the finest newspaper building in America.

So his bequest of an annual prize of 1000 dollars for the best w rittcn newspaper article in the United States comes with two fold interest. Mr Pulitzer always maintained that he did not intend his newspapers to become "yellow journals." Twenty years ago he suffered the great affliction of total blindness, and he was always saying that the sensational misdeeds of his papers were due to the advantage that his subordinates were taking of his lack of si<jht. He maintained 1 that the World in particular must be recognised as both independent and fearless, and it must be admitted that with all of its sensational evils the World is both. Its editoriul page is the most powerful in New York to-day, ami Mr Pulitzer's demand that all articles in his newspapers be both terse and accurate have resulted in both of his publications being most readable. It was not strange, therefore, to find that the annual reporter's prize is based upon the terseness and accuracy of the winner's work. Similar prizes of 1000 dollars each £o to the best poem, the best novel, and the best play written by an American each year. A prize of twice this amount yoes to both the best biography and best historical work of American production. The gift to the Philharmonic Society is also of moro than passing interest. It is the first real endowment of an American orchestra, and as such is causing unqualified delight to all music lovers. Orchestras that seek to give numerous concerts are not money-muking affairs—not even in Germany where governmental aid is given freely to such towns as do not possess municipal bands of their own. Mr Pulitzer, with tha shrewdness of the usual American " selflnade" man, directs that the Philharmonic Society, to avail itself of his bequest, throw open its membership lists to a basis of popularity and a minimum of a thousand naiftK. This thing, of itself, would ensuro tho stability of Now York's finest orchestra. and makes the bequest a certainty not only for the moment but for the permanency of the great musical organisation. Mr Pulitzer also demands that tho orchestra give frequent popular concerts, and at popular prices. He has pointed the way, and his example is certain to be followed. It will be a variation from tho constant endowment of libraries and colleges if orchestras arc to be admited to tho charmed circle; and it woiild bo of vast benefit to the cities so [remembered. Mr Andrew Oamegie, our famed Sootti-h iron-master, does not wait to die to spread his bequests. It begins to appear tliat ho was in earnest when ho said that it was a sin for a man to die rich. His already groat b?nofnetions —now headed toward a giant total of 500,000.000 dollars—wore inoreassd t'his last week by a,nofcher one —of 25,000,000 dollars this time. The iron-master has caused a self-perpetuating corporation to be formed, similar to one formed by Mr John D. RockafeJler. for the distinct pur-

pose of doing pood bv distributing money. Tho sift of 25,000.000 waa the new Carnegie corporation's first nest-esrg toward that beneficent pmi-pose An interesting exhibition was given tho of metropolitan' New York thts last week, when 7000 workers in an important arm of the municipal service —the stroetcleaning department— wont on strike for higher wages, as "well as for the abolition of night-work. Most of the men who deserted their posts were the drivers of tho garbage carts. Here was an interesting situation—and important, too. For if tho cart-drivers of the street-cleaning department could go on strike how long might it bo before tho firemen or even tho policemen might take a similar idea into their heads? The> idea of municipal employment is somewhat different in essentials from that of private. The positions are given under strict civil service .regulations, and tho places thus attained are held, no matter how administrations may change, during the lifetime and good service of the appointee. After that there is the boon of the pension as a factor in the situation.

The Mayor, Judge- Gaynor. took the situation in hand, with characteristic vigour. He leoognised all of these thi.ngs and permitted no dangerous new precedent to h established. The strikers with an almost malignant cunning counted upon the interference of the health authorities when tho uncollected garbage should begin to decompose in the streets. But tho weather god took an unexpected hand in the situation and breathing his coldest zephyrs upon tho town, with tho result that the garbage heaps were tightly frozen and no health menace whatsoever. With that chief ally of tho strikers gone they surrendered miserably. There had been somo rioting, with two deaths more or less indirectly due to the strike, but of an instant, without any formal hauling of a white flag, the strikers began pell-mell applications for ♦ heir old jobs. They were refused these. Their ranks had been practically filled, and the jobs, protected by civil service, and guaranteed with pensions, were gone. So the first groat municipal service strike in America was not only broken but tho remnants crushed out of semblance of thenold selves. It has set an example that can hardly be called anything less than profound. President Taft lias returned from his long trip through the country, which was lengthened from 10.000 miles, as provided on his original itinerary, to something over 13,000. The President is a mighty traveller, and fond of seeing tho big land of which he is chief executive and of being entertained in iis important towns. But it is conceded now that he would have done better never to have set out on this trip —some two months ago. He went with the evident hope of making much capital and assuring himself of a renomination at the hands of the Republican party in Juno next. lie felt that some of his steps, for which he has been much criticised in the west —notably his veto of tho farmers' free list; and the wool bills—he could explain to the satisfaction of all. He has explained thoso vetoes to the satisfaction of no one, and his renomination, instead of being a thing doubly reassured, is now a matter of <rravo doubt.

Almast everyone loves Mr Taft as a man. He is a big man, menially as well as physically, and within him there beats a great big heart. But that alone does not make a successful executive in a nation of almost one hundred million population. Mr Taft's big heart lui3 been trying to beat for far too many people. Instead of taking a straight course and sticking absolutely by it he has tried t>> please Smith on the one side and Jones on the other, with a result that lx>th Smith and Jones are disgusted and looking for another man for whom t»> vote for President. The people of the United States do not want a "middle-of-the-road" man. They have a distinct admiration for a man who takes a position and sticks absolutely to it, oven if they do believe he is in tho wrong position. The man who takes both positions by turns is sooner or later politically dead hero, and it is the end of such political life that Mr Taft is reaching. The west, led by the tremendously important State of California, with an acknowledged Republican strength, has turned thumbs down on Mr Taft. In a moment we shall consider some of the causes that have promoted insurgency in California —and insurgency is the one thing' that Mr Taft is decidedly against. Tho States of Oregon. Washington, Idaho, and Colorado, Republican strongholds of no moan importance, can bo counted upon to turn their backs upon tho President. In Nevada and in Utah Mr Taft stands well, duo probably to the local circumstances that he has permitted himself to become identified as a friend to the Mormon Church, an almost fatal political blunder—which controls the political situation in those commonwealths. In Wyoming tho Federal office-holders gaily described by a Democratic Senator as " tho loavo3 and fishes" crowd, are in control, and so Mr Taft could probably have these throe weak States —losing the five strong ones. Tho insurgent candidate within tho Republican ranks —self appointed—is Robert LaFollette, United States Senator from Wisconsin, and a man Napoleonic in moro ways than ono. Mr LaFollette is all that the* reddest radical might, demand. Ho has passed the initiative and referendum stages of insurgency, and just now m «ou-

mitting himself to the principle of tho recall, even into the recall of tho judges, a plan which is like shaking a red rag in trout of the average conservative of bullish tendencies. . JjaFollette is a good talker, a better writer, keen witted, resourceful, and, moreover, he warns to be President. To that end he is leaving no stoi:e unturned, and he also has a number of friends and allies who are also rather good workers in the insurgent quarry. Mr Taft has", however, long since discounted tho opposition of Senator LaFollette as an active but hon-cst opposition. The cruel blow came to the Piesident only this week, when his old friend, Mr Theodore Roosevelt, deserted and turned upon him. Taft had been pursuing his " middleof the road " course, which consisted on the one hand of patting the Wall street boys on the back and telling them that they were '" coming out all right," and on the other of putting their second cousins and brothers-in-law in gaol as rralefactors of great wealth without ever a word from, his predecessor. Colonel Roosevelt was contented with devoting his remarks toward telling mothers how to rear their progeny with certain'dcfinite remarks as to the correct way to cut down a tree. The Damon and Pythias relations between himself and the man whom he had elected to bo his successor in the White House seemed undisturbed-. The President might have assumed from the silence that was all was well with himself and has administration.

Mr Taft can no longer regard Colonel Roc »se volt as Pythias—privately it must be confessed that the President now looks upon his political creator ag a form of Judas Isoariot. For the ex-President, in a> fine old-time burst of frenzy, has just burst forth into print with an elaborate dammation of the Taft Administration —tho creaturo of his own handiwork. In tho old days when Mr Roosevelt issued a pronuncicnto, the stock market used to move three or four points—nearer utter degradation. Ho was known and loved, particularly in the bad lands of insurgency, as a trust-buster, a man of whom Big Business had a lespectable fear. So again this week tho stock market moved three or four points—on Roosefelt. Only this time it moved upwards and toward eanctification for Roosevelt, ex-cowboy, ex-trust-buster, if you please, was defending the big Steel Trust that Mr Taft has just been to tho pains of heralding as the most iniquitous thing in America. The echo Rooseveltian thrust has not yet returned from the trust-hating strongholds of insurgency. The east is awaiting with considerable interest, and trepidauon, what the west will now think of its own-time hero. Colonel Roosevelt's entrance into the situation is likely to be regarded as about as important as tho explosion of a toy balloon on the eve of a circus. Most persons know that he had made Mr Taft —■ there was no general acclaim that he bo nominated for tho Presidency,—and they merely think that Colonel Roosevelt should stand by tho Administration that ho so noisily launched. Those same persons are now apt to believe that Colonel Roosevelt's bombastic bu>ist is duo simply to the fact that he cannot long remain in obscurity. He is like a famous resident of Brooklyn who onco announced that he would rather be damned than ignored. And if the interests of Big Business stand behind Colonel Roosevelt they are apt in the long run to find him both an expensive and an unprofitable investment, which are two ways of saying almost the same thing. He never has been a builder of bridges and a pacifiei —to imagine him bringing tho interests that go under tho name or Wall street in coalition with tho Insurgents who hate thorn from across two thousand miles or more is imagining the ridiculous. Polities will make strange bedfellows lie together more than once, but Thoodorc Roosevelt is abnormally strange. I spoke a moment ago about the Californian situation. The state of California—second in area in the Union, possessing three millions of population and tremendous potentiality for the future—has been making American history within the past six weeks. By amendments, passed by popular vote after an exciting ejection, California has followed the example of four other commonwealths and adopted woman suffrage. She had adopted initiative and referendum and the recall—or the most advaoosd precepts of the rhost advanced insurgents—and the Conservatives of the east have been most tremendously disturbed. Tho strong factor in bringing those things to pass was tho Socialistic vote in Los Angeles, metropolis of southern California. Los Angeles has a population of 350.W0 persons, and hopes for a, million within the next 10 years. On the one hand is a parcel of rather determined speculators and bankers using every earnest means to bring tho colonists to the city gates so that tho population rolls may swell, on tho other hand are the Socialists denouncing what tliH-y aro pleased to call the " rapacities of the moneyed class of Los Angeles." Recently the two hands had a test of strength at a municipal election. Following the primary lav/ of California, two names for a mayoralty election in December were to lxs chosen from a group of five advanced by different parties and interests. One name of tho five was that of a Socialist of reputation, Job Harriman. The other four represented in eome degree the other element in the town The primary fight had all of the bitter phases of a final election. Tho Socialists marched the streets of tho town and sang the Marsellaise. . They would have flcated tha red flag if the police

would have permitted it. The other hand had funds and spent them freely. When th© votes were counted, Harriman had received more than 20,000. Mayer Alexander, the present incumbent, and anxious for re-election, ran next highest with 16,uo"0 votes. The other candidates had scattered tributes. So Mr Harriman and Mr Alexander aro pitted against one another, and the fight is being watched all over a broad land. The Socialistic vote had an important part in bringing about the political upturn in the State, and it will remain to be seen if the Los Angeles fight is but the prelude to Socialistic domination over the Republicans upon the Pacific Coast. No one is watching the situation more intently than President Taft himself. In the meantime, while Republicanism is being'tom asundcir by its warring faction, the Democratic party is more united thaw at any time within the past 20 years. It lias sustained great gains again at the full election, and remains in practical control of the (national Congress, an honour won from tho Republicans, who held it for almost 20 years. Tho Democrats are still anxious to" nominate and elect Mr Woodrow Wilson as President. It begins to look as if that thing—regarded four years ago as impossible—would be quite likely.