BRITISH SEA SUPREMACY

Otago Witness, Issue 3017, 10 January 1912, Page 88

BRITISH SEA SUPREMACY

HOW CAN THE EMPIRE BEST MAINTAIN IT V Tho following prize essay was written by Cyril A. King, of the Waitaki Boys’ High School, in connection with the recent Navy League’s (Otago Branch) essay competition ; “Simple loyalty to to-day’s duty is the only preparation tor to-morrow's greater duty.” During tho many hundreds of years that have, in passing, witnessed the evolution or tne British nation from a weak people, ignorant of tho actions of tile world exterior to their own islands, into the mighty power of the present day as tho ruler of lands on evory part of tire earth, the transformation ot her world importance has been accompanied by a similar change in the strength of her naval resources. Just as im ilho first, her existence as a Power was dependent upon this naval strength, so now, with the abolition of British supremacy upon the seas, there must ensue a speedy reduction in the extent and riches of this great Empire, an inheritance fought for and gained by tho lives of our brave predecessors. In the present days ot rapid construction, a whole navy becomes obsolescent in the course of a few years, and, unless a continual production of now armaments is assured in Great Britain, within a brief period the only guarantee for the safety of our Empire, tho command of the seas, must pass for ever into the hands of a foreign nation. A short consideration of facts as they are is alone sufficient to cause serious deliberation as to how we may best maintain this naval supremacy. The high Imperial ideals of world-peace by means of conferences and international disarmment treaties are theoretically sound, but their undertaking is a task for the future, and, in tho word’s present state, in the vast differences in the interests vital to each people, there must bo a practical moans of protection, a thorough insurance for tho security of our freedom, and this is only possible through our aboo.ute command of the trade routes. This is the primary idea that must bo impressed on the minds of the young members of our nation, for it is to them that the duty of retailing our supremacy in tho future must succeed. Therefore, first of all, by the institution of a true education of tho necessity of a supreme navy, a great deal may be accomplished towards maintaining our command of the seas. In this connection the educational work achieved by the Navy League in the schooli of tho Empire is of very great value, for this society aims at instilling a clear conception of what great part the fleet has played in our posit, and what its supremacy safeguards to-day. By the liberal distribution of maps of our Empire, showing the isolated centre and the widely scattered dominions linked to one anotner by sea routes alone, a general knowledge may bo encouraged that our primary defence is a naval one, and that this defence must bo a supreme one, a supremacy on all seas. Much work is also performed by lectures on the great evenis in our past naval history, illustrated by striking pictures, by debates based upon tho same subjects, and 4>w naval war games. All thqse serve to vitalise special epochs, and by a continuous series of lectures, a very good conception may be engendered of the growth and life of the British navy. But not only to the youth of the nation is an educational propaganda of such importance, but the influence created by holding great naval functions, by adult addresses, by the commemoration of famous historic days, and by teaching the most vital parts of our Imperial and naval records, is of inestimable value for educating the masses of the peopCe to the realisation of the necessity of British naval supremacy, for, in the interests of the Empire, dependent upon her maritime trade the roads of her commerce must bo kept clear, and these roads lie over the seas. The influence exerted by the press on the people in regard to naval questions is of great importance, for by its agency the democracy receives the impressions of the finest politicians, expressed in the right terms. The work of the press throughout the Empire, in enforcing the need for British supremacy, is one of our imperial supports. Tho value of a liberal naval education, not only to the young but to tho adult nation, cannot be too highly estimated. and this is the first stop in maintaining our naval command. The mere lessons of history show how often Great Britain has been saved from invasion by the navy alone. The battle of Sluys in 1340, the Spanish Armada in 1588, the battle of La Hoguo in 1692, Quiberon Bay in 1759, and the battle of Trafalgar in 1805, are true instances, showing how, throughout the evolution of the British, tho fleet has been the main line of defence in critical times, and when these examples, accompanied by the patriotic poetry of such as Newbolt, are impressed on the people, duo regard must in time be paid to tne continuance of our naval supremacy. _ .. Another factor essential, if Groat Britain is to retain this peerless position is the unity of the Empire. Unices there is a 00-operation of all the dominions to work in harmony with the Mother Country separate interests may arse, and hence bv the institution of various local defences tho imperial strength will be weakened and more exposed to subjugation. If on the contrary an Imperial naval staff is formed, a body to deal with all problems concerning the safeguarding of the coasts of the Empire, and if our shores may bo guarded by a supreme and co-ordinated navy, no anxiety need be experienced concerning oiir continued control of the sea routes. Again, the navy must be kept pure, it must be a moans of defence controlled wholly by British men, for in tho groat battles that are past, even the conquered, have acknowledged that the success of Groat Britain lias been the result of British foresight and courage on the seas. In the cose of the Armada, tho almost irresistible force of Spain, was prevented from conquering the small, ill-fitted ships of Elizabeth by the dauntless and persevering character of her sailors. Many times an inferior British fleet has subjugated an over-numbering inimical force by the courageous strength of its men, ana in our own days it is this special property of our seamen that is relied on to pilot tho Empire through a naval crisis. It is very essential tliab our navy should be pure, that oyr defence may be a British one entirely, as it wa« at La Hogue and Trafalgar. This applies also in a considerable degree to the meroantile marine of our nation. British hearts alone

Cre reliable in a war on the seas, great as it may be in our day* and on such an occasion the mercantile marine would occupy an important place. There must be a good and strong reserve to draw from in times of stress. Therefore, it is clearly evident that the 40,000 foreigners serving on British vessels are by no means of advantage to our supremacy, and, to ensure the best personnel their removal is absolutely necessary. A purely British service on our vessels is a great movement to keep our control on the seas. Then there must be a good Admiralty to guard the interests of the fleet, a progressive administration, for, unless a liberal expenditure is assured for the upkeep, and extension of our naval resources, within a short time our rivals in sea-power will surpass our actual strength, and with this arises the first opportunity in which an enemy may question, perhaps with successour right to the command of the seas With an admiralty fully aware of the necessities of the fleet their influence with the Government and the people will bo sufficient to ensure a fair production of new armaments. For the purpose of concluding agreements with foreign nations, which might bo menacing or advantageous to our supremacy, in questions that reqiffre calm and deep deliberation, such as was caused by the recent Declaration of London, there must be an imperial and gifted body in command to guard British rights. The Admiralty arc of great influence in respect of our naval supremacy. One of the most important phases of this question is that of an efficient seatraining for the future personnel of our navy. The greatest facilities should be afforded to boys about to enter this very important means of defence; and in this connection perhaps the finest example of what such a school should be based on, is the Discard Training Home for boys, situated in England. The training ships Warsprito and Mercury _ give a very fine education to young British sailors, and such an education is necessary. They produce strong and courageous seamen, who will man the fleet in.the future, to retain our naval supremacy with all the glory of its traditions. In a modern sea battle the strain that will. be brought to bear on the nerves of the sailors will be very considerable, and it has even been predicted that in the next naval war the nation possessing the finer nerve must conquer. This certainly urges the need of a purely British personnel in our navy. It is significant to observe that the Kaiser has requested his naval officers to abstain from the customary grog ration on account of its deteriorating effect on the nervous system. His utterances have been confirmed by Admiral King-Hall at Sydney, and already this abstinence has received wide support in our own navy. Though a email factor, it tends to work for the continuance of our supremacy at sea. It must bo urged on ail Britishers that there must be a two-Power standard in E-uropean waters, and, further, on account of the predominating power of Japan in the Pacific, and her possible designs on our possessions there, the British naval strength In these waters must be equivalent to three keels to one. The value that will eventuate on the institution of wireless .communication between all the dominions and the Motherland will be esteemed in time of war. They will act as the nerves, binding the Empire together, and enabling all parts ■ to act in harmony. Finally, in the observance of all these methods for maintaining our control of the trade routes, in such a widely-scattered 'Empire as we possess, there must be mutual agreement arid eelf-eacriftce,. in peace and war. ' In a gradual Imperial disintegration there will ensue a more rapid loss of naval strength, and a Power, impregnable in its co-ordination, will become in its internal separation but a helpless people, unworthy of the rank of strong nations. Just as naval supremacy is necessary to the Empire, so the co-operation of all the dominions is needed to supi>ort our sea power, and this lesson must be impressed on the British people. The strength of unity will eclipse that of unfederated dominions. From these considerations it is evident that, for the maintenance of British supremacy at sea a real and continual vigilance must be observed, not only by the sailors, not only by the Admiralty, but by the Government and the people. Thu inheritors of this Empire must realise the importance of a modern and progressive navy, they must learn from history the value of this first lino of defence, and they must determine, without being impeded by petty demands of self-sacrifice to uphold for over this sea supremacy. By educating the nation to this ideal, by keeping our navy pure, and by the earnest and filial work of the various ■ parts of this groat Empire w© may hope in peace, even as our ancestors did in war, to worthily and successfully strive for the maintenance and extension of our only security—the command of the seas, for “ Wo’ve Raleighs still for Raleighs’ part. We’ve Nelsons yet unknown; The pulses of the Lion-heart Beat on through Wellington. Hold, Britain, hold thy creed of old, Strong foe and steadfast friend, And still unto thy motto true — Defy not, but defend.”