RISING IN CHINA

Otago Witness, Issue 3017, 10 January 1912, Page 27

RISING IN CHINA

MONGOLIANS OPPOSE A REPUBLIC. ATTACK ON HANKOW FAILS. ACTION BY" THE POWERS. MANCHUS’ BANEFUL INFLUENCE. REPUBLICAN MANIFESTO. FUTURE INTENTIONS. _ PEKING, January 1. Four thousand revolutionaries have attacked Hankow. A fight is proceeding. January 2. The princes of Southern Mongolia, have resolved to support the Imperialists against the revolutionaries, and to declare their independence if a® Republic be established. Yuan Shih-Kai has visited the palace for the purpose of obtaining three million taels from the Dowager-Empress. The assailants of strangers from a distance in Hankow were unaware that an armistice had been agreed to by the, Shanghai Conference. The attack on the town was unsuccessful. January 3. The Imperialists have evacuated Hanyang, and have entrained with their batteries northwards. General Li Yuan Hang has given an assurance that he will not occupy the vacated position. Tang Shao Yi lias resigned in consequence of a complaint regarding his attitude, particularly in agreeing that the Imperialists should retire 53 miles. The Empress-Dowager’s three million taels will be sufficient to pay the troops for six weeks. The money was given only after Y T uan Shih-Kai had threatened to resign. Tire Manchu Princes have received a minatory communication from 15 prominent generals, who demand substantial contributions for the Imperial troops. January 4. Chaoerh Feng and the Imperialistic troops from Tibet recaptured Cheng-tu, killing two Republican leaders. January 5. Brigands control Tai-yuan. Thirty Italian priests and two foreign residents of the town are in jeopardy of their lives. The Italian and British Ministers have persuaded Yuan Shih-Kai to send troops to the relief of the town. Consular • advices from Thrung-king state that the revolutionaries have evacuated Chao-er-feng, which has been occupied by the Imperialist General Tien. The Government is directing the elections to the National Convention in the northern provinces, in Tibet, in Turkestan. and in Mongolia, while the Republicans are organising the elections in the southern provinces. This arrangement appears to suggest the possibility of a division of the empire, if the projected National Convention fails to arrive at a satisfactory agreement. Reuter’s Nanking correspondent says that Dr Bun Yat Sen has received a courteous letter from Yuan Shih-Kai thanking him for the offer of the Prime Ministership of the Republic, but declaring that the entire people of the empire must be permitted to decide what the future form of the government of the country shall be.

January 7. The Powers have occupied the railway from Peking to the sea. SHANGHAI, January 4. T)r Sun Yat San was enthusiastically welcomed at Nanking with a salute of 21 guns. He swore to dethrone the Manchus and then resign, enabling the people to select a President of United China. A new calendar has been proclaimed at. Nanking, January 1 being New Year’s Day. January 7. Dr Sun Yat Sen has issued a remarkable manifesto on behalf of the Republic. After a Jong recital of grievances, he says the policy of the Manchus had been one of unequivocal exclusion and unyielding tyranny. Prior to the coming of the Manchus the land was open to foreign intercourse, and religious tolerance existed, as was shown by the famous traveller of the past, Marco Polo. The Manchus had plunged China into a state of benighted neutrality and restricted foreign trade to the treaty ports. All treaties and loans entered into prior to the commencement of the revolution would be honoured by the Republic, but they would repudiate any others. The Republic hoped to be admitted to the family of nations and allowed to cooperate in the great task of forwarding the civilisation of the world. MELBOURNE, January 3. The Y r oung China League in this city has received a cablegram confirming tho appointment of Dr Sun YYit Sen as President of the Republic. The Republic has adopted the Western

nations’ calendar, dating the birth of the Republic from January 1. THE REPUBLICAN FLAG. FLYING IN WELLINGTON. (From Och Own Corhespondent. 1 WELLINGTON, January 5. If the weather be propitious and the wind not too boisterous any passerby may see waving gallantly above the premises of Wah Lee on Lambton quay, opposite the Bank of New Zealand, a bright emerald green flag, having in its centre a circle of white, with a serrated or starlike edge—a plain, but effective device, and one withal that is striking terror in the heart of the Manchu at the present time. The flag is the peace flag of the new Chinese Republic, and it flies over the fruit shop on the quay because its owner is a hot revolutionary, who has the cause of the Republic at heart, with many hundred of other Chinese residents in New Zealand. This green bit of bunting is called the ‘‘Peace Flag” for tho reason that the party has another and more ominous banner—a war flag—one of which is also in possession of Wah Lee. The blood flag is of the same device as that described with the important difference that the ground colour of the flag (all green in peace) is divided vertically in halves, one half green and the other red—bold colours for a bold cause —which are to supplant the Yellow Dragon of the Manchu dynasty, if providence or the Chinese Gods will it so.

Wah Leo is a prosperous trader and a man of education. His enterprises are not restricted to Wellington, and whenever he takes his walks abroad he spares no effort to spread the propaganda of the new republic. Not only this, but he lectures to the Chinese community about the political situation in China, and translates in flowing Cantonese the cabled news of the war now in progress. Wah Lee says that when the Manchu is “fired” from the throne and the republic is established, believing that a republic is the only solution of China’s national problem, there will be very few Chinese left in New Zealand. In explanation he says that many of the Chinese who have settled in New Zealand, Australia, and America have been forced to seek homes over the sea for political reasons, and owing to the extortionate demands of the Manchu Government and its hirelings. But with the establishment of the republic a change will come over the scene in the Home country. The ancient conservatism, which has blocked progress and prevented the development of the Empire’s great resources, will be swept away in favour of a policy which will make China ono of the foremost nations on earth. The policy of the republic will favour the opening up o| the great back country, and the working of vast areas of land known to be rich in copper, gold, coal, and other minerals. There will be no inducement for Chinese to leave their own country; indeed, the inducement will be for “foreign” Chinese to return to the land of their fathers, for at heart the Chinaman is fervently patriotic and home-loving. Hundreds of pounds have already been subscribed in Wellington for the republican cause, ahd there are those, it is stated, who are prepared to give their all to help to remove the Manchu dynasty from the throne.

The R-ev. G. H. M'Neur, in a letter dated December 9, writes :

“ Many of the country districts are in a terrible state of lawlessness. Owing to the first officer of a British boat on the West River having been shot by pirates, the Hongkong Government has sent three gunboats up to protect the trade route between Hongkong and Wuchow. Some factions in the new Canton Government are concerned about this, and demand the removal of these offending gunboats —if necessary, by force ! Of course the new Provincial Government is not recognised by any foreign Government, and we are in constant fear of complications. Canton city is all on edge, but outwardly things are peaceful. The other day I happened to be not far from a spot whore a bomb burst-, accidentally it was said. In a few minutes all the” shutters were on the doors and windows of every shop for streets around. “ It is said there is now an army of about 75,000 to 100.000 in Canton. It will take over a million dollars a month to keep this army alone. Where is the money coming from, and what about the indemnity and the interest on foreign loans? Kwang Tung is sending an army up north. The situation there suggests an early compromise, leaving the youthful Emperor on the throne, with Yun Shih-Kai as Premier. But to suggest such a thing to the leaders here would bo a red rag to a bull. The Chinese fully believe that Japan and Germany have been helping the Imperialists. The probable fact is that individual Japanese and Germans have been helping both sides, and the revolutionaries most. But the Cantonese are extremely touchy just now. We are trusting that the Christian element in the new Administration will keep them sane in their relationship with foreign Powers. The Consuls are gathering women and children to the ports all over China, and it is very evident that they fear the time may come when foreign intervention will be necessary. I hope they give the Chinese time to do something first. . . . YTiu will understand that we are perfectly peaceful hero. Probably we are more disturbed over the anxiety of our friends at home than over anything else.” THE MAN OF THE MOMENT. YUAN SHIH-KAI "FUTURE RULER OF CHINA.” Out of tho welter of Chinese chaos and confusion orto solitary figure stands head and shoulders above his fellows (says Mr Thomas H. Reid in the London' Daily Chronicle). His Excellency Yuan Shih-Kai

is the personality that dominates the situation. Upon Yuan Shih-Kai’s next move may depend the future of the Chinese Empire. Most certainly upon his notion largely depends the existence of the present Manchu dynasty. It is characteristic of Chinese topsy-turveydom that the alien dynasty which has held China in bondage for nearly three centuries should call to its aid to keep its tottering throne from falling, one who is a pure Chinaman, one of the subject race. Whether Yuan is capable of rising to the supremo occasion is problematical, but his right to the proud title of “the strong man of China” is about to sustain a severe tost. Like Shcng Ilsuan Huai, who has fallen ! into disgrace. Yuan Shih-Kai was one of i the late Li Hung Chang’s young men. | Doubtless it was from the miscalled Bis- | marck of China that in his early years ho j learned tie respect foreign ideas _ and i methods at a time when Western civilisaj lion and all its ways were anathema to ! the official Chinese. Yuan is a native of j the province of Honan, and is 54 years of 1 age. At the early age of 26 he obtained j Mandarinic rank as a Taotai, and was for 10 years Director-general of Trade and Ini ternational Relations in Korea, prior to ; the China-Japan war. When Korea passed I under Japanese control, Tuan Shih-Kai spent a few years in obscure official routine before becoming appointed judge in the ]-metropolitan province of Chihli in 1897. That position ho vacated a year later to become expectant vice-president of a board ' with control of an army corps. gift for organisation. ! It was while ho occupied this position that Yuan’s ability was first generally recognised and ho became prominently known to Europeans. Possessed of a c.ear head and unusual gifts for organisation, he set to work to create a modern army in China. His work was interrupted by a senes of dramatic events in. Chinese history. The young Emperor, Kuang Hsii, had come under the influence of Kang Yu Wei and the Young China party, and had issued a succession of startling edicts favouring estern innovations. It was hoped that i uan, who had been so zealous in the cause of progress, would throw in his lot with tho , Reformers, but, on the contrary, he communicated with Jung Lu—then the power behind the throne, —who in turn revealed all to the late Empress-Dowager, the masterful Tso Hsi. Then followed the coup d’etat of September, 1893. The EmpressDowager openlv seized the reins of cower; from that moment the Emperor became a nonontitv in Ohino.se affairs, six of tho leading 'Reformers were beheaded, and Kang Yu Wei escaped to Hongkong, escorted bv a British cruiser. The Young China party felt that they had bean sold by Yuan, and I shall be surprised if they ever work in accord with him now. i As a reward for his services, Yuan was made a Junior Vice-president of the Board of Works, and in September, 1899, ho was appointed Acting Governor of Shantung. This was in tho incipient stages of the Boxer trouble, which, later, was to break out into a wild orgy of blood and rapine throughout Northern China, cleverly turned by tho Poking Court entourage into a fanatical anti-foreign movement, and culminating in the mad attack upon tho foreign Legations. Ho took prompt measures to punish the murderers of Mr Brook, a young Englishman, and in March. 1900. superseded Yu H’sien, who had exhibited anti-foreign leanings, as tho Governor of Shantung. CHINA’S ABLEST STATESMAN. When the anti-foreign rising occurred in Peking, Admiral Sir E. Seymour made his heroic dash upon the Chinese capital with a email international force of sailors and marines. Yuan's position then was as curious and critical as it is to-day. He stood at the parting of tho ways, and had to make a decision which would have a fateful bearing on his own career, and might have a permanent effect upon the future of China. His decision won for hjm the respect of foreign residents in China. Yuan was reputed to have a force varying from 7000 to 12,000 men in Shantung. Drilled originally by foreign officers, meetly German. (liis army had attained a comparathcly high degree of efficiency. Tho men were well armed, well fed, and were paid regularly, and accordingly remained loyal to their colours. Had Yuan elected to do so, he might easily have cut off Seymour’s expedition and ar inhibited it. He could have been a serious menace to the second inti rr.ational expedition; but he stood aside and maintained the peace in Shantung wl ilo tho allied force fought its way to the relief of the Legations. Surely in no other country but China could such a spectacle be seen —the Commander-in-chief of the rational army holding his men in check while foreign invaders marched to the capture and loot of the national capital. It was this action a« much *is anything else which built up Yuan Shih-Kai’s reputation as tho strong man of China. Had events been different, had the foreigners been defeated, what would Yuan’s .safetyhave been worth? Some idea of foreign opinion of Yuan Shih-Kai’s character may 1« formed by tho remarks of men who passed through that memorable siege. It was reported in the beloagured legations that Yuan had rebelled and joined the Germans, and was advancing on the capital. It did not appear wholly improbable to the foreigners in Peking. " He was a man sufficiently astute,” writes one, ‘‘to appreciate the folly of attempting to resist the foreigners by force of arms, and sufficiently unscrupulous to make the best terms that he could for himself, regardless of the fate of the country or tho dynasty.” Another writer, one of tho highest authorities on China today, refers to him as “ like most Chinamen, constitutionally a trimmer.” All are agreed that ho is probably at this moment tho ablest statesman in China. ; In all our estimate of Yuan Shih-Kai’s character and ability, it is necessary to re- • member his conduct at that crisis in his country’s history, and to ponder the motives that impelled him to stay his hand i against the foreigners. ! HONOURS AND DECORATIONS, j High honours were showered upon him by tho Empress-Dowager. It was obvious to that clever schemer that the foreign Powers thought highly of Yuan Shih-Kai. They used him in tho negotiations that followed the relief of the Legat-ons and tho return of the Mar.ehus to Poking, and no one knew bettor than the late Empress Tso Hsi how to trim tho tails of State to the favouring breeze. She also found it ■wise to use Vuan a second time to save tho Imperial face. He became Governor of tho Province of Chihli (so long held by Li Hung Chang). Ho was appointed Junior I Guardian to the Heir Apparent (not the

present Emperor, but the puppet held in reserve), received the decoration of the Yellow Jacket, was entrusted with the control of the Northern railways, and was made a Consulting Minister of the Council of Government. In July, 1903, ho was appointed Minister of Army Reorganisation, and once more won the highest praise from foreign military critics. In various other ways ho made his influence felt wherever the hand of progress was laid on things Chinese! In 1905 the exceptional privilege was conferred on him of wearing the Sable Robe (hitherto reserved exclusively for the Imperial family). Naturally enough Yuan Shih-Kai’s loyalty has been more than once under su-p'cion.-Early in 1905, at a time when it suited German foreign policy to be aggressive in North China, an attempt was made to dis; credit him at Peking. Speaking in Jlcrlin, a prominent German capitalist alleged: that the Japanese were scheming for the overthrow of the Manchu dynasty, and. seeking to set up Yuan Shih-Kai as Emperor, “ having,” se the speaker said, “I>rought hfln completely under their influence.” Like all great men. Yuan had his-enemies. As has invariably happened at Peking, as soon as the difficulties of the moment were surmounted, the ,saviour of his country has suffered disparagement and disgrace. Where so powerful a man as Li Hung Chang succumbed, it was not likely that a newcomer like Yuan Shih-Kai could hope to withstand for any prolonged period the machinations of the Manchu rcactionp-rics who surround the throne. Latterly, his enemies procured Ids dismissal from high offue, but his banishment - from Peking was veiled bv the specious statement that he had retired to nurse an ailment of the leg. It is only at the supreme moment of peril to tire dynasty that he is recalled from obscurity and tempted to take upon his shoulders the of empire by nomination, to the office of Prune Minister of China. What his policy will be no one can forecast. Recent telegrams from Peking show us that bis arrival at the capital was awaited with anxiety. And no wonder. Suspected mo.ro than once of being in league with tha Reform party, which is undoubtedly behind the present revolution, suspected even of aspirations to occupy the throne himself, can wo wonder that the Maudios regard his recall as a last desperate resort' to save’ the situation? If the best-informed foreigners in China are filk-d with anxiety, if those on the spot with an intimate acquaintance of the leading figures in China are unable to judge what the future has in store, how is it possible for us ijj London to indicate the course Yuan Shih-Kai, is likely to pursue? He may be able to parley with the revolutionaries, and to persuade them to tolerat the Manohu dynasty provided constitutional government is conceded to the people. Ho may save the Empire from disanombermont, either by reconciling' the divergent parties in the various provinces, or by a series of bloody con teds; but it is just ae_ likely that he may attempt to establish hia own right to found a dynasty and usurp tho throne.

There ia another course open to him. Ha may throw over the Manchus, hold his personal ambitions in check till a mono opportune moment, and, joining Jiands with the revolutionaries, become the first President of a United Republic of China. The greatest drawback the Revolutionary party had to face in the past was the lack of an outstanding personality who would command universal fcsoect and gather the Chinese neople awund him. Yuan Fhih-Kai’s is ilv* long-sought personality. Either as President or Kmneror, with an avowed policv of reform, and prepared to maintain Chin* for the Chinese, it is possible to believe that Yuan Shih-Kai may well be regarded as the future ruler of the destinies of the great Empire of China.