A LABOUR VIEW OF THE LABOUR VICTORY

Otago Witness, Issue 2927, 20 April 1910, Page 65

A LABOUR VIEW OF THE LABOUR VICTORY

By J. T. Paul, M.L.C.

“For varied knowledge of life, for intensity of purpose and whole-souled devotion to that purpose, no other party stands equal to Labour.”—-W. G. Spence, in “Australia’s Awakening.” For political student and citizen of Empire the Commonwealth of Australia take® primary place at the moment. Even the passage of the British Budget and reform of the House of Lords take second place. For in Old England hoary but powerful monopoly, combined with apathy, prejudice, and ignorance, damps the ardour of the reformer- In the new countries monopoly is not yet so strongly entrenched, manhood is judged by its true (attributes, and men do not arrive at conclusions by arguing from their prejudices. It is the new lands that give new hope even to the old lands.

If I say that the tremendous victory of the Australian Labour party is fraught with more possibilities for good than any previous electoral happening in history, it will look like exaggeration. But is it? What aire the party's assets and opportunities? It has the wisdom and experience of the past—good, bad, and indifferent ; the almost virgin scope for legislative initiative only found in a young country; N the enthusiasm and courage of political youth : the shaping of the destinies of a young nation destined by reason of natural wealth and immensity to take a leading place in the race for nationhood. Nine years and one month ago there was no Commonwealth' Parliament. At the first election on March 29-30, 1901, Labour won 16 seats in a House of Representatives numbering 75, and eight in a Senate numbering 36. There were three parties in each House, and Labour held the balance of power. At the second election on December 16, 1903, Labour improved its position by winning nine additional seats in the House of Representatives and six additional in the Senate, making its numbers 25 and 14 respectively. At the third election Labour added (including MiKingston) two to its roll of representatives and one new Senator, making its totals 27 representatives and 15 Senators. Throughout the nine years Labour has had great influence in the- Australian Parliament. For the greater part of the time it has held the balance of power. For three months and a-half in 1904 a Labour Ministry, with Mr J. C. Watson as Prime Minister, was in power. For five months and a-half ended June 2,1909, a second Labour Ministry- with Mr Andrew Fisher as Prime Minister, controlled the political destinies of the Commonwealth. • The influence of the Labour party has miade for sincerity in Within • three months of the inauguration of the Australian Parliament the White Australia policy was made a reality by legislative enactment. The Labour party has confounded its political critics by its practical grip. For instance, it was represented by its enemies to be anti-Empire and vigorously disloyal. On the first possible opportunity it inaugurated military training and an Australian navy. Because it refused to allow Australia to become a dumping-ground for the world's woirst aliens it was supposed 1 to want Australia as a select preserve for the Australian-born. Because it has condemned the immigration policies of other Governments, which in practice added unemployed to overcrowded cities, the Labour na"+» was suonosod to iresent Britishers coming to Australia. Instead of which, the party now proposes to apply commonsense principles to immicratinn difficulties.

The Labour party has won the election largely on its own virtues. Its past has helped it enormously. Certainly the Fusion of Mr Deakin and Mr Cook'also helped it. Sworn political foes, who profess to differ essentially on the political principles necessary for a nation's weal, cannot openly flout the public conscience for political honesty by throwing their convictions and pledges to the winds. And it is well. A fusion or a- coalition of political .parties certainly spelk betrayal of political principle for one side to the bargain; generally it does so for both. The victory of Labour shows that political honesty pays best :n the long run. The Australian Labour party has been fortunate in its leader-ship and personnel. In Mr Watson it had a man who was transparently honest, sincere, and progressively sane. In Mr Fisher it apparently has Mr Watson's equal. The party as such has refused to follow hare-brained political will-o'-the-wisps or to wallow in the slough of laissez faire. It was as deaf to the plan which promised the millennium lor breakfast as to .that which, stood for selfish individualism' andmonopoly. The result is that it has/; offended the Revolutionary Socialists, as deeply as it has offended ■• the monopolist. The proof of this statement is that the. party was officially opposed by both these factions last week. On each occasion when the Labour party has gone to the poll' it has put an honest and practicable proposition before the electors. For

f instance, its objective has the dual merit of practicability and idealism, to say nothing of its intelligibility, no "email consideration when dealing with the geneiral public. . The '.'Objective" reads: (a) The cultivation of an Australian sentiment, based upon the maintenance of racial purity, and the development in Australia of an enlightened and selfTeliant community; (b) The securing of the full results of their industry to all producers by the collective ownership of monopolies, and the extension of the industrial and economic functions of the State and municipality. The party has not mystified the electors ■with a multiplicity of proposals. In its manifesto, which was broadly national in tone, only the public questions were touched j which are of immediate. importance and i come within the scope of practical politics. I Land monopoly is the arch-enemy of AusI tralia'e progress. "Land monopoly bars J the road to a policy of successful immigraj tion, imperils our national safety, retards our development, threatens our very exI istence," said the manifesto. Neither " fine I speeches nor a rose-water (policy" will I scotch the evil. So we may expect reform under this head. The party recognises that " the foundation of all national greatness and prosperity must rest upon some form of agricultural or pastoral pursuits." And what does the party say about immigra- ' tion? "We want more people to develop Australia; we want moire people to help us to defend it. But it is useless and even dangerous to invite people to a country unless we make preparations to receive them. In the overcrowded cities immigrants are a drug on the labour market, a menace to the worker, a burden on the community. They create no new wealth benefit no one, not even themselves, and by the reports of their misfortune give the country a bad name. But settled on the land, every white immigrant may be welcomed with opeii arms: he is an additional guarantee of the nation's 6afety. Ine Labour party proposes to scotch monopoly by nationalising monoplies. " Already we have in Australia the sugar monopoly, the tobacco combine, the coastal shipping ring, the coal vend, and various minor business ' combinations of a character detrimental to the public.'-' * ' The party will scientifically apply its policy of "new protection." This alone opens up a vista of possibilities pregnant for industrial betterment. A comjprehenI sive amendment of the navigation laws is j promised, and the party's immediate legis- | lative activity will be centred in adopting its "fighting paltform" to practical application. That is: 1. Maintenance of white Australia. 2. The new Protection. , 3. Nationalisation of monopolies. 4. Graduated tax on unimproved land values. 5. Citizen Defence Force. 6. Commonwealth Bank. 7. Restriction of public borrowing. 8. Navigation laws. 9. Arbitration Act amendment. 10. Insurance, including insurance against unemployment. For the first time in the history of the Commonwealth'there are only two parties in its Parliament. " I very much doubt whether the arrangement will be permanent. The Fusion party, judged on the past of its individual members, includes the rank I Conservative and the red Radical. Both these schools of political thought know better now that the people insist on. a distinct standard of political honesty. And in this connection a word is apropos on the election tactics. To the discredit of a section of the Democracy .it must be admitted that the right of free speech, was denied some Fusion candidates. That such a policy is countenanced by the Labour party I do not for an instant believe. Its members know too well the historic struggle for a free platform to allow the privilege - to be endang£.wd. But the bon mot of the election was the Fusion party's plan of keeping its antagonists on the defensive. The following letter, which was sent to all Fusion candidates, explains itself: — Melbourne, February 8, 1910. Dear Sir, —I have pleasure in forwarding you herewith copy of pamphlet entitled " Legislation of the Liberal Government, Session 1909." This should prove useful to you in all reference as to the past services and work of the Government and the united Liberal party. I also enclose to you a complete set _ of leaflets now ready for issue in connection with the forthcoming election in this State. A full supply will be forwarded to you at a later stage through the agency of the Commonwealth Liberal party. It will, however, not be wise to distribute them indiscriminately, but at intervals, 1 ' one after another The idea is to keep your opponent on the defensive and busily engaged answering one statement after another, rather than by attacking you or promulgating his own immediate policy. At a later stage I shall be pleased to forward you a copy of the Prime Minister's policy speech, recently delivered at Bal- , larat. This should also prove handy for reference and otherwise. . Wishing you all personal success, Yours faithfully, J. Hume Cook, Secretary to the Government. It is interesting to note that even Mr Cook himself could not keep his opponent busy enough, for he lost his seat to a Labour member. But as a piece of electioneering strategy the letter and its policy stand by themselves. The future disposition of parties belongs to the future. Nevertheless, I believe the present basis of parties is likely to remain ! in Australian politics, with, of course, _peri sonal changes to suit personal predilections. That basis is (1) the Evolutionary Socialists or Labour party, (2) the Individualistic party, (3) the Revolutionary Socialists or International Socialists. That is Dr H. I. Jensen's analysis of the existing Australian political parties, as described in his book, "The Rising Tide: An Exposition of Australian Socialism." It is corroborated by I the action of the International Socialist 1 party in its stronghold (New South Wales) at last week's election- It ran three candidates for the Senate and one for West 1 Sydney, in each case in opposition to the i Labour party. This view will probably ' be strengthened by future happenings. Mr | Fisher and Mr- Hughes are against the I general strike and industrial unionism as in the Industrial Workers of the . World propaganda. Mr. Fisher has made his position clear: —"I am in favour of proceeding by the way of law to help the j workers. There are two ways open—the universal strike, and the other way of pro- | viding the nMw&uar courts to see that the

worker gets his just remuneration. I am for the latter. I believe wo have reached that stage in Australia where, with universal suffrage and an educated democracy, we can do in Parliament for the workers what we could not accomplish by the universal strike."

If the result of the elections emphasises one thing more than another next to its confidence in the Labour partv and its demnation of the Fusion party, it is vigorous disgust with the coercion legislation in New South Wales. In the State by-elections held during the week, as well as in the Federal, the New South Wales electors have emphatically condemned coercion. The imprisonment of the strike leaders is not endorsed even by those who believe the strike leaders were wrong. Coercion, thanks to British instinct, must always fail. In Ireland it has rebounded on those who applied it. In Australia it has always done likewise.

And now this great new party which finds itself in charge of a continent has a fair chance. "With their eyes open, and despite the vari-coloured warnings of its opponents, the people of Australia have given it a majority of 13 (including Sir William Lyne) in the House of Representatives and of 10 in the Senate. The Labour party went to the country with 28 retiring representatives and 10 retiring Senators. The country has sent it back with 44- representatives and 23 Senators. That is an emphatic verdict. This great Labour victory is a. magnificent inspiration to the progressive forces all over the world. It will give new heart to many a weary reformer grown listless because of repeated failure. It ought to prove to the world that sanity, safety, and progress can be combined with vigorous reforming zeal. It ought to result in making the lot of the monopolist much harder and that of the wealth-producer much easier, and it ought to make Australia a very happy country. I believe it will do all this and more.