POLITICAL MEETING.

Otago Witness, Issue 2695, 8 November 1905, Page 33

POLITICAL MEETING.

THE PREMIER AND SIR J. G. WARD.

WELLINGTON, November 3.

The Right Hon. Mr Seddon and Sir J. G. Ward addressed a monster meeting at the Town Hall to-night. Long before the commencement of the meeting -the building was packed, hundreds being seated on the stage. Many were turned away. Dr Findlay, who presided, said New Zealand had become the envy of every progressive nation.

Sir J. G. Ward, who was warmly received, said he regarded it a privilege to be associated with Mr Seddon. He and his chief had frequently been criticised in no unmeasured terms, but were never afraid to meet people on the platform. Both sides were on the eve of a political battle, and it was right to lay their policy before the people. If there were differences on minor matters, let them agree on major points, and work together for the common good Not one charge against the present Administration had ever been shown to be true. Let those who differed be placed on a pedestal for 15 years, and if they oame out of it as well as the present Government they would do well. He referred to the concessions that had "been made in the C\>stoms, Railways, and Postal Departments, which constituted a magnificent answer (o the "most fastidious critic. Twenty-eight millions of hardearned money was on deposit in the banks, and the whole of the commercial and industrial work of the country could be carried on without drawing upon the outside world for a single penny. Referring to the increase in wages of the railway men, which, it had been said, was done ,for political purposes, he said wages could not have been increased before Parliament voted the money. Three times the Government had readjusted the railway men's wages, and given increases totalling £370,000 per annum. He pointed out that the Government had given the railway servants the option of going before the Arbitration Court or of having their affairs settled under a Classification Act, and they chose tho latter course. The users of the railways had been given concessions aggregating £680,000. and some people had tried to create a feeling amongst farmers that the Government was not in accord with them. Every time the question of railways cropped up the Opposition urged that instead of additions being charged to loan moneys they should be charged to revenue. He contended such a sjstem would bring ruin and sadness to farmers and industrial classes alike. Out of the concessions he had named, £480,000 had gone direct to the farmers, but everybody was getting the benefit of it in the way of cheaper means of communication. There was competition with outside countries to meet, and it was impossible to compete without cheapening railway transit. The increase in train mileage since the present Government came into power had more than doubled. £370,000 a yt»av more was now paid in wage", and he contended the administration of ihe railways had been a huge success in tho face of opposition almost onough to warp the efforts and energies of any man living. Referring to the superannuation scheme, he said it was the duty of every employer to see that women and children were provided for if the bread-winner was taken away. • He ■said the superannuation scheme had the State as security behind it, and was on sound lines, notwithstanding what had been said as to its not being on a proper actuarial basis. He declared the scheme ! could not go wrong with the State behind

it. He did not believe in a Civil Service Board. Why not call it an Autocracy Board ? In setting up such an institution" •they might free the service from political control, but it would be handing the service to an autocratic body. When the railways were under commissioners there was trouble throughout the country. He thought every class of the civil servieff should be classified The public debt oi the colony was between 59 and 60 millions, but one railway in Canada, the Canadian* Pacific, had borrowed more money than New Zealand owed. Thirty-one million? of New Zealand's debt was directly earu' ing interest owing to the way in which if was invested. He maintained the counx try was prosperous and progressive, and predicted that the Liberal Government would come back after the elections witti a strong party behind it, and continue t<r do its best for the greatest little country south of the line. Sir Joseph Ward was loudly cheered on resuming his seat. The Premier was wildly cheered when ha rose to speak. He said he wanted nothing but the goodwill and confidence of thtf people of New Zealand who believed in fair play. He had not always had faitplay, but reformers must be prepared for attack. He was as determined , as ever. No one knew better than the speaker the calumny that had been levelled against hi£ trusty lieutenant, Sir J. G. Ward. But htf was here, and full of fight. Referring t< the Young New Zealand party, he sawe they started with 11 and were now down to three, which number would be reduced after the general election. Ther-5 was, too; one Reform party, including Mr Duthie. Well he contrasted the small meeting held by that party with the great meeting thafc night. There -.vere four big reformers and four New Liberals. He supposed Sir J. \Gr. Ward pnd he must take four each. But' they had been killed by public opinion. They had heard the criticism of the Reform party so often repeated that they knew there was nothing in it. The gravest chai'ge Mr Massey, who spoke at Pukekohe the previous night, could make against the Government was thafc Seddon sported himself in a Windsor uniform. Not a charge against the Liberals during 15 years had been proved. The Opposition dare not submit a, single line of policy in opposition to the" Government's measures, yet they had fought against a policy they now dared not deny had them support. The Opposition's policy was 'a, policy of shreds and patches. The Opposition deceived the people by clamouring for further audit. The only department ' in which the system of audit had been., changed was in the Lands Department, and that had been done because delay arose and settlers were being kept off the lane. But the Auditor and Controller had control over all departments under section 31 of the Public Revenues Act. Referring to the Opposition urging the establishment of a Civil Service Board, Mr Seddon said 1>«, would not hand over the government of a self-governing colony to three or four nominees of a political party. The Premier, went on to refer to the voucher, affair. The space taken *up in Hansard over the voucher matter was 490 columns, and the time occupied 34 hours' 55 joainutes, equal to about four sitting days. The total cost to the country was £3044. He felt considerably the manner in which the attack had been made on his family. The Opposition had criticised the Government, respecting the Mapourikn trip, but several' members of the Opposition had gone on that trip, and thoroughly enjoyed themselves. He instanced a trip made in the north by some members of the Opposition. Among other things that party had a tin of insect powder, and now when the Opposition threw the Mapourika trip at him he threw the inspect powder at them. — (Greafe laughter.) Mr Lewis, the Opposition Whip, had said he preferred to be in opposition, and his party would remain in opposition; Under these circumstances he was in a very cheerful mocd. He complained thafc the Opposition attacked the credit of the colony for party purposes. It had: been done repeatedly, and * there ->vas~ a tendency ' for such criticism 10 affect the finances of the colony in the London market. Nevy Zealand, howover, sfood well in the Mother Country, but it was unfair on the part of opponents of the Government to decry the credit of the colony for the purpose of getting onthe Treasury benches. In reference to the legislation ju*t j>n««ed to meet the competition of the Harvester Trust, he snid that New Zealand was threatened, and thp matter had to be dealt with. New Zealand would nave no such monopolies, under which they would be sending their money to America to make millionaires. He considered the matter had been dealt with in a very intelligent way. The Criminal Code Act recently passed did not mean a suppression of freedom of speech, and there was no slander in telling the truth. He had yet to learn that it was necessary, for the .interests of justice for men to be assailed without redress, simply because his assailant might be a man of straw. _ Parliament had improved the conditions of teachers throughout the colony. Nothing was so important as the education of children, and he believed in putting education within the reach of all. After reference to the Factories Act and* Shops and Offices Act he dealt with the Maori Land Settlement Act, saying he could see. that half a million acres of Maori land would soon be open for settlement. He saw justice to the Maoris, together with a marked improvement in re*T>ect to settlement in the North Mand. The importance of this matter was shown by the fact that there were only about, 5.000,000 acres of Crown lands left, and the Natives had about 6,000,000 acres. The time had come when the?^ lands must be settled in the interests of both races. He then spoke of the Workers' Compensation for Accident? Act and the Workers' Dwellings Act. The Qc-vernnient would be able to let houses for 10s or 12s a week, in comparison with 25s and 26s a week now being paid in "Wellington. He regarded the measure as directly increasing the workers' wages throughout the colony. One-third of some workers' wages now went in rent. This was too much, and made it impossible for some to pay their "vay. Passing 1 on the the Meikle case the Premier •'aid the Government had submitted to Meikle points of reference for a commission of inquiry, and had received a satisfactory reply. On the result of the inquiry the Government and Parliament would do its duty. In reply to the argument that the Government was unjust to Wellington, Mr Seddon emoted figures to show the great increase in population and wealth both in. Wellington city and province. He deprecated! the cry of town versus country, and Morth versus south. It was '•aid the Govprnmprt

jma.B a South Island Government, but the figures whioh lie quoted showed, regarding public expenditure, that there was a balance 0f~£658,802 in favour of the North Island. The financial operations of the Government had resulted in v saving of £130,000 a year in interest, and the time was coming when the colony would be able to live entirely "withm itself, as a self-contained country. The '^Government was not driving capital away, "but people here who had borrowed from iHome. Companies had been able to pay 'off their mortgages, and thus reduce the private indebtedness of the country. In £iew of the surplus of £761,000 the time had arrived to reduce indirect taxation. He was able to announce that,, next session it was 'intended to submit .proposals to Parliament '•reducing the indirect taxation in the direction , of a free breakfast table, and also to reduce the duty on tobacco. Considerable reductions could be made without impairing the finances of the colony. In reference to ■"direct taxation, the aggregation of large •estates was going on. Land owners were evadinir the law, and if the expenditure end xevenne were found to be getting too close Wether -additional graduated land taxation Swouldfce imposed. He believed the country ieaily'for it, and\that large estates were r blocfcnff -settlement. The old Age, pensions Ffcad been .increased in spite of the opposition-. of*tbose who -wanted money spent on the fcack blocks instead.- •' Other colonies , had adopted New ., Zealand's pensions scheme, 'arid Ac "-looked forward to the time when. ft ,would be -. adopted at -Home. The , Atkinson Government had tried to introduce 1 a- compulsory -insurance scheme, but no" *uoh scheme was workable in a selfgoverning" country. He (Mr Seddon) and his colleagues would endeavour to establish i » national pension scheme, applicable to «very *oul in the colony, on the basis of annuities, the money to be paid by the Ipeople, a little at a time and subsidised by ihe State. It was proposed to extend the system of civil service annuities, which all /went to the great -goal— namely to have Borne provision made for every thrifty soul in. the .colony and keep them from want m .their' old age. 'Referring briefly to larger auestions. Mr Seddcn said that in a sense 'America -was friendly, but so far as trade jwas concerned she had no consideration for •any country but herself. President Boosevelt was wrong when he saiS the Stars and fetripes would dominate the Pacific. Only' tone 'flag should dominate the Pacific, and I fchat-was-the Union Jack. He supported j Britain's -alliance with Japan, and said the . Japanese did not want to come here, and ,*ouia not be allowed to if they did. The Opposition -and tne Government would •tand "together to retain our> .constitution, ' and 'would refuse to be dictated to by anybody. ' 'Mr Seddon sat down amidst - great - Applause. _ '. A ' resolution expressing . unabated confiSence iii the Government -was carried amid prolonged cheering. '.

MR JAMES ALMS! AT' MILTO*. (Bl OXTB SEECI4L ReEOKTEBS.)

MHiTON, November 6. The Coronation Hall was -very largely , attended to-night to TieaT a political .address Ijy Mr James Allen, a candidate -for the representation in the new" -Parliament- of-, the "constituency of Brace, which Mr Allen lias already represented for the last 14year?. There were many visitors from the ' outlying districts, and the audience ako included a large number of ladies. The . chair was occupied by 31r "W. Moore (Mayor pf the borough). # ; k Mr Alien, in opening, said it was 14 years since he had first had the honour of being , -elected 'to represent Bruce. Bruce • had rremained faithful to him, and he hoped liis past actions had shown him faithful to -Bruce. He felt it a great mart of confidence that he had been their representative in Parliament so many times, and that confidence he hoped to retain in 'the -future. The coming election, it ap"mearetl, was not to be a straightout fight as far as Bruce was concerned, there being a probability of a third candidate, and iv such three-cornered contests there was always the -chance that the men the electors wanted" might really be left out in jfche cold, because votes were -given elsewhere. ~He had no wish to be left out m /the cold. There was work for an active politician in Wellington, and he hoped to ftave the opportunity again of proving that the, among others, was - able to do that jwork. He hoped the Opposition would Ibave the opportunity of showing it v&s -»ble not only to criticise destructively but to build up a constructive Liberal «hmo"cratic policy, and ,it appealed to the pure, democracy. He- appealed personally Straight to the pure democracy, with no humbug about the name. The colony had ; ; now_,had in office for some 15 years practi-w«alls-<jne Gover.anieni/ and the story had been fold of -

A- CONTINUOUS MINISTRY

«n days 'gone by. He" recommended them -,to~ "consider seriously whether any Ministry 'remaining in office ior 15 years was likely to be really efficient at the end of that time, and likely then to represent the pure "democracy; and if it were not likely to develop a kind of autocracy which was the worst kind that could be in any country. Such an autocracy had developed to--•day. This continuous Ministry had lost interest in the pure democracy, and had 'developed into an autocratic Government— practically the Government of one man. So the Government was found in the last days of this past session trying to do what Jtra.a so contrary to what the pure democracy held to— namely, to.stifie freedom of speech. •Perhaps, conscience-stricken, they feaTed public criticism. The Criminal Code Bill .was introduced in the dying days of the -jession, which, if passed, would not have permitted him to stand that night on a public and criticise the actions of the Ministry without laying himself open .to -the danger that two or three people : perhaps,in the pay of the Government might go as perjurers to the court. Bwear he had said what he did not say, and ,'iie -might have found himself liable to a sentence of 12 months' hard labour. — (Laughter.) That was the kind of democratic legislation they were receiving from the. Ministry to-day. The bill was -bitterly fought. ,and it worst features were cut out, liufcjt- still remained, on the Statute 800k — a monument of ill-doing. Why .should public men not be open to criticism? The Govern--inent- had made desperate efforts, and to a large extent had succeeded, in taking to Itself ihe whole of the

PATRONAGE

Ihat could com© into the hands of a Ministry, and but for himself (Mr Allen) »nd others the whole of the Education Departments and Training Colleges would. ha-\e beer* a-11 centralised in Wellina-*- ~^ and the

influence and power of the Ministry would have been felt over ihem, as over other institutions in the colony, especially on the eve of a general election. The training colleges had been saved from these bad influences, and the teachers saved also, and he was justified in saying that he himself and other members of the Education Committee foughr, and won the battle, despite the Premier and the advice he received. — (Applause.) To-day they had a Ministry that had no other quality except that its members were OFFICE SEEKERS AND OFFICE

HOLDERS. Not one great policy measure could be named that the Ministry had to lay before the country on the eve of this general •election. On the contrary, it had sacrificed its political principles because the members of the Ministry thought, and he hoped the people would show thought wrongly, they could hold on to office. They had been ponderers to a. small section in the community, and had been plunderers of the man}', and they needed to be changed — to be invigorated and refreshed. Refreshment would be hard. Their ranks had been thinned. They lacked men like Mr Ballance, Sir John M'Kenzie, and Mr Reeves, and blanks had been filled with Messrs Duncan, M'Gowan, and Mills, in regard to whom who could say what capacities they had as statesmen or anything else. . He asked them what was the mind of. the Ministry on any of the great questions, of the day? What was its policy? Take land settlement. What was ifcs ''policy, and had it any? Just three years ago Mr Seddon made a desperate attempt,in the House to bring down a Land Bill to kill the option that now existed for tenants who wished to take up land on the ■freehold system. In 1902 he brought down a bill amending the Land^Act, and if that had been carried into effect it would have rested with the Ministry entirely to say what lands in the colony should be leased in perpetuity, and that not another acre should be sold. By way of contrast he brought them to last year, and would read ±o them: — "The late Hon. W. Rolleston, father of our liberal land legislation, in liis speech on the Land for Settlements Act, said : ' Let the two systems run concurrently leasehold and freehold.' " These were ihe words of no less a person- than Mr Seddon, speaking in Wellington in 1904. He brought down a bill to kill everything but tha lease-in-perpetuity, and two years later praised, as the father of the liberal land legislation, the man who valued the leasehold --and the freehold also. Mr Seddon's | honesty of purpose with regard to land legislation might be judged from the fact that a few years ago he made a speech at -Petone -on "the land question, and was out-and-out against the freehold. But a few months later a vacancy occurring in the Pahiatua electorate, which was strongly in favour of the freehold,- some .matter -bad to .be sent there,, and the Petone speech, reprinted, with all "the matter about the freehold cut out. wHs sent- Tie Pahiafua electors took.. care, however, .to express their disapproval of - such trickery. Mr Seddon- had." /-' - NO POLICY. IN REGARD TO THIS LAND QUESTION.

The Opposition had a clear cut policy. It believed in the option of the freehold. It believed in the leasehold, and that the leaseholder, when lie had the opportunity and the means, 6honld be released, and enabled to convert his small holding into a freehold. — (Applause.) They upheld that policy because they felt that the right kind of man to have in the colony — the kind of man to stay any -wild schemes that might be brought down by any wild Socialist — was -the small freeholder settled throughout the length and breadth of the land. Such a man was interested in the country, and would not submit to the smashing up of <He would go for liberal progress, and that was what the Opposition would go for too. The one argument against this jpolicy that had to be met was that the leaseholders of the Crown should not be permitted to buy^their land at the original value. plu3 anything to make up tho amount that a right -to-purchase man might buy it- at to-day ; that they should not be allowed to buy at the original value because there was an unearned increment attached to these lands, which, according t~> the Socialists, belonged to the State. Did it belong to the State? The leaseholder in perpetuity held a lease of 999 years, and dozens and dozens had been selling their leases, and selling with it their unearned increment. No one could take the unearned increment from them except by breach of contract. If they had it under the- lease-in-perpetuity, had they not a riant to it if i\\cy purchased the freehold? Who made this unearned increment? If the un- • earned increment of the country settler be- ' longed to the State,, then the goodwill attaching .to many a business would equally justly belong to_ the State. What right had the man coming to-day into the colony to the unearned increment or the goodwill of a business? None whatever. The man who had made- the country had the right to the unearned increment. — (Applause.) As to Mr Seddon's attitude in regard' to the land question, once this session he voted for the lease-in-perpetuity, once he voted against it, once he voted for the option of the freehold and once against it. On the last occasion, when he had an opportunity of voting on the freehold question, it .was on an amendment moved by one of the Auckland members that the right of purchase should be granted to leaseholder?. Mr Secldon came across to Mr Massey and said, " Look here, you vote with me against Mr Baume's amendment, and let us get rid of this thing." Mr Massey turned and said, *' I will do nothing of the kind. I am for the freehold every time."— (Applause.) But that was not the end of the story. A division was come to on this question a few hours later, and naturally it would havebeen" expected that Mr Seddon would have gone against the amendment. But like a sheep he followed Mr Massey into the lobby in favour of th-e freehold, having a few weeks before voted in the oppooite direction, and he (the speaker) had no doubt that the Premier would ?o to the country settlers arid tell them he voted for the freehold, and in the town, where the Trades and Labour Councils were, he would say that on such and such a dale he voted against the freehold.— (Laughter.) Again, on that important evening there was the Epuni Settlement Bill, and Mr Ell, as a leaseholder ©very time, moved an amendment that thp lands in this settlement should only b3 sold by way of lease, and Mr Seddon went into the lobby that evening and with him. Where was Mr Section on ti"

land question, and what was he? He left it to them. He (the speaker) did not know. He did not think Mr Secldon knew, but wanted to see which way the cat was going to jump, and he would jump that way. — (Laughter.) ne would quote what some of the members of the House, who felt strongly on this question, said about Mr Seddon's action in regard to Mr Baume's amendment. Mr Laurenscn's words were : '' They had boen deceived by the leaders of the party. The leaders of the party had deliberately thrown principles to the wind. The Premier had shifted and prevaricated." Such were th-e words of a one-time strong supporter of Mr Seddon, and those present could judge for themselves how nearly they approached tho truth.

NO POLICY. Apart from this land question, what other item of policy had the Government? The people had been told that it had placed on the Statute Book this session a bill dealing with workers' homes, and so it had, but it was a policy it had stolen, and stolen from the Opposition. Mr Bollard, a strong Opposition member, had been advocating this scheme for years in Parliament and out of it, and the bill brought down by Mr Seddon was much on the lines advocated by Mr Bollard; though when it came to a question of the worker ,buying his home and making a freehold of it Mr Seddou was not so generous as Mr Bollard would have been, and the scheme as brought down to the House was a scheme of robbery to the workers. Mr Massey moved to amend the bill, and though he did not himself carry ifc the force of public opinion in the House became so strong that Mr Seddon himself had to amend tl.e bill, and Mr Mossey's opposition saved to the worker in one instance £220 in the purchase of his home, and in another instance £350. Workers who would some day hope to convert the State house into a home of their own owed a debt of gratitude to Mr Massey. In the Wellington speech of a few days ago they had had on the same platform Mr Soddon and Sir Joseph Ward initiating the great policy of the Government. And what was that? A reduction in the duties on tho necessaries of life — a free breakfast table, not forgetting tobacco. There might be a great many smokers among his audience, but there were also a great many women and children ; and he thought the policy put forward by the Opposition in regard to the reduction of duties was more favourable to the community and more pleasing to the democracy than the taking off a duty on a luxury like toboceo. The Opposition urged that 'the duty be taken off some of the cottons, prints, etc., that made" up clothing so largely — cheap thing?, mostly, that could not be manufactured in the colony, and on which a duty had been placed. And the Government urged a reduction of the duty on tobacco. In regard to the free breakfast tafcle, where did the Premier get his policy? In and out of season the Opposition had been urging that the duty should be reduced, or if -possible removed, on food and necessaries of life, and in the course of timr most of the things connected with the breakfast table had been made free, largely by* the Opposition's efforts — sugar and napery, however, remaining otherwise. From these things, try as they would, they could not . get the duty taken. For the Premier, under the circumstances, to claim a free breakfast table as part of _ his policy was. to say the least, amusing. H-o 'enunciated another policy in Wellington. It was heard from hi 3 lips practically for the first time — national pensions. Where did he get that? From Sir Harry Atkinson. Sir W. R. Russell, the Hon. W. Rolleston, and the Opposition generally. It had been his objetoion to the old-age pension scheme that it did not really provide for the deserving poor. Beyond the border line laid clown by the legislation of the Government were hundreds of men and women who were entitled to the pension, and it was these men and women for whom the Opposition fought to-day. Why were they blocked at the present time? Because during their life time they had Fawd and strivod hard and put by £270. Perhaps nt tlio end of their life they had sufficient to scrape together £1 a weok. and because they were in that position the Government scheme said they were not entitled to a pension. These people vyho had strived hard and had ben provident weTe the people who ought to be assisted. They wore the backbone of the community. He would not say there were not many worthy people receiving lhe pension under the present scheme, but there were others who were just as worthy who ought to be brought, in. In regard to last session's amendment of tha act something like £150,000 additional was to be given to oldage -pensioners. As the scheme came to ilie House it did not broaden the area one . c crap. The money was to be given to those wlio were already in receipt, of pensions. Tbs broadening was left out by the Premier. But he had to face it when Mr Taylor brought down an amendment providing that where an old-age pensioner had secured a home he should 'not be debarred from a pension. Even now the scheme ddd not go far enough, and lie would like to see it extended to include a man and his wife who might have £150 in the bank, from which they were receiving a. little by way of interest. In regard to THE FOREIGN ' POLICY OF THE

GOVERNMENT,

thr> Premier in Wellington the other day said that the Japanese did not want to come to Now Zealand, and that if they did they would not be allowed. This was a new foreign policy on the part of the Government. But if the Jap said he was g°ing to come to New Zealand how was New Zealand going to prevent him? It was all very well lo talk about these thing 3, but when one's views and opinions could not be backed up what was the use of the talk? The only thing that oould back up that opinion was the strong arm, and New Zealand did not have that strong arm to-day. It was true we were tied to a strong Mother Country, but if there was one department that had been neglected by the Minister in charge of it it was that of Defence. It was the Premier who had control of this department, but, like the other departments over which he had control, he had neglected it as he had neglected them all. The Government had shown a desperate greed to retain office. It had been practically defeated on the land question, but it clung to office like barnacles to a ship, and it used all sorts of means, fair and unfair, to keep a position it had no right to occupy. He produced one of the means. The audience had no doubt heard about his letter-box and the material thftt wenj iatq i£ when.

it ought to have gone to Mr E. G. Allen. There were 23 sheets' of ELECTIONEERING MATTER issued to every Government supporter, and some innocent Candida! es had been using it. Ho had had reprinted some of the sheets, and would leave a few of them with the Mayor, so that the people might more closely inspect them. Tho red lines on the sheet he produced were drawn through the incorrect figures. There were 24 sets, and 18 were incorrect. That was the class of pabulum presented to Government candidates to use in the election with the imprimatur of the Colonial Treasurer upon it. There was, however, no imprint to it, and some day, of course, Mr Seddon might say he had nothing to do with it. Yet, what had he to do with it? This material was taken to one of the under librarians, who was told to place it in tho letter boxes of the Government supporters. The officer said he could not do so without the authority of Mr Speaker. This reply was communicated to the Premier by his secretary, and back came the peremptory order that the officer was to place the material in the letter boxes or stand the consequences. He next came to the use of the

PUBLIC WORKS MONEY—

the roads and byidges money. It was delicious to see how the Government manipulated it. Members of Parliament had begun to realise how much could be done in the way .ot electioneering through the manipulation of the roads and bridges money. Without going into details he could show enough to prove how great a factor it was in securing votes. This year being an election year, Pavliament was asked to vote out of the Public Works Fund nearly two millions and a-half of money, and up io September 30 la«t, whioh ended cix months of the financial year, the Government had expended £600,000 or less. And the innocent elector believed that during the next six months it could spend nearly two millions. The thing was ridiculous on the face of it. Instead of the money being spent, it would be there for the innocent elector to look at, and it would take probably two years to expend it; so that a large balance of unexpended money would be carried on to next year, as it was three years ago, when £833,000 of unexpended money was carried on to the following year. That was an electioneering year too. How was the roads and bridges money manipulated? -Nelson Province last year received 12 per cent, more than it was entitled to. Westland was in a similar position. On the other hand, Te Kuiti, a North Island district, received 30 per cent, less than ir was entitled to, while Canterbury received 33 per cent, less than it was entitled to._ Why was the public money manipulated in this way? Was it true democracy? The happy Westland district, in addition to getting 12 per cent, more than its share of these moneys, had a large amount spent on its main, roads, under a special- heading on the Estimates, but not a single main road in Otago got a penny under that special vote. If people liked to put up with that kind of thirnr they should keep the Right Hon. Mr Secfdon in office. If they thought it was unfair and unjust they should put somebody else in office to wash up. — (Applause.) He came now to the most important part of his address. He referred to

FINANCE.

A new policy in this respect was put forward by Sir Joseph Watd in his Wellington speech of a few days ago. He said: — " There are 28 millions of hard-earned money on deposit in the banks of the colony, and therefore we need not go outside of the colony for the money we need for our works." Did the people realise what a policy of that kind meant? Were there 28 millions of money available at the present time? Were not the banks using inuoh of it for their own purposes? A similar policy was tried a few years ago, but failed miserably, for the very good reason that there was only a limited amount of money for the Government to take up. The banks required it for their customers and their own purposes. The result of the policy when it was tried before was to raise the rates of interest, and to hamper Industries, and if Sir Joseph Ward meant anything at all he evidently meant to return to tha-t ruinous policy. The Premier in his speech on the same ocrasion was more careful, because he said : " The time was coming when the colony would live within itself as a self-rontained colony." There was a difference between the two statements. One speaker said the time had come, and the other that it was coming. New Zealand was a large borrowing country, end must go outside to get money for its works, and therefore we should keep those outside, those from whom we were going 111 1 borrow, as sweet as possible, for if not they woxild stick on the price and inak-e it. very bitter. Sir Joseph Ward and the Premier, too, had made attacks ou the English money-lender. They had said, "We can do without the English money-lenders," and they had scoffed and jeered at them. He (Mr Allen) was sometimes accused of injuring the credit of the colony. Did not this scoffing at the man who lent the money injure the credit of the colony? What had been the effect on the colony's borrowing? Twenty years ago we wore able to borrow a 4 per cent, loan at a better price than we borrowed a 4 per cent, loan last year. Was that progress? It was said that the Opposition by its criticism wanted to ruin the credit of the colony for party purposes. Why should it want to ruin the. colony's credit? It had too much at stake to attempt to do anything of tho kind. Its solo obiect was to keep the credit of the colony high. When they tackled Ministers on questions of finance it was found that they sheltered themselves time after . time under the wing of THE AUDITOR AND CONTROLLERGENERAL. Only the other day in Wellington, wher. advocating his so-called 2 JO^ c y measures, Mr Seddon said: "The Auditor and Con-troller-general had control over all the departments." Mr Seddon must have known that to be incorrect. The Auditor and Con-troller-general had no control over the revenues of the Railway, Land, and Customs Departments. Quite recently a new state of affairs^had also developed itself — a slate of affairs that when he heard of it nearly made his hair turn grey. It all came out before the Goldfields and Mines Committee, and it certainly shook his faith in the Audit, as it shook the faith in the Audit of every other member who heard the evidence that was given before that committee. It was the question of the State coal mines that was under consideration. When the Auditor and Controller-general jras under examination, some, evidence panic

out that was very displeasing, and three Ministers— Mr Secldon, Mr Mills, and Mr M'Gowan, — two of whom seldom attended the meetings of the committee, actually left the business of the House and stonewalled the prove- dings of ihe committee to provent the committee reporting to the House. But the stonewall was broken down. Mr R. M'Kenzie. member for Motjcka, very plainly told the Premier that if the committee's report was not allowed to go to the House he would speak on the Appropriation Bill and get into Hansard as much as he rould of the evidence that had come before the committee. He said that, in tho interests of the Stale, he was prepared to take this course, although the committee had not reported. Of course, strictly speaking, he could not have done thi3 ; but at anyrate his statement broke down the stonewall on the committee, and the evidence was to be printed, i hough it would not be seen until the elections were over. He (Mr Allen), however, had some of it in h'S possession, and he would give a few extracts to show what control the Auditor and Controllergeneral had over the departments. The witness said : '" The expenditure is in a measure hypothetical. The allocation of capital was made on the 31st March by the Administration." He was asked: "Is the allocation of capital shown in the books?" and replied, "I do not think so."

Question : " The allocation of capital was altered during the year, but the books show ro allocation. Do you think it satisfactory a3 an aucKtGr?" — Answer: "'I do not think it is altogether ■satisfactory. I have said so from the beginning."

Yet he audited the balance sheet of the State coal mines.

Question : "Do you mean to tell me if the Administration in its mind's eye chose to transfer the whole of the capital from on« balance ■sheet to another you would pass that?" — Answer: '"I think I should."

Quesiion : " Notwithstanding the absurdity ?" — Answer : " I cannot go into any question of absurdity. That is a matter for the Administration.

Question: ''If it conies to your knowledge that any departmental account is not kept according to law, is it your duty to report that lo Parliament?" — Answer: "I am not quite sure that it is." The witness was also asked— "lf that allotment of capital is shown on the balance sheet, should not the books of the mine show the date and the day on which the allocation is made ?" To which he replied : "I do not know, but I think under section 14, subsection 1 of ' The Coal mines Act, 1901,' the Minister should keep a separate account for each mine, and that all moneys, all the liabilities of that particular mine, with all the charges on that mine, and all the revenues of the mine, should be shown separately."

Question: "And has your officer ever seen an account?" — Answer: "I think not."

Qu-asition: "As "the books do not show it you do not consider the matter of sufficient importance to report it to the House?" — Answer : "I do not consider it my dttty to report it to the House."

That was only a sample of a series of questions that exposed the shallowness of the audit. The - law plainly said that a full account should be kept ofthe accounts of each mine, but the law in that respect was not observed. Was it any wonder, then, that not only his own faith in the audit but the faith of other members who heard the evidence, had been very seriously shaken ? And was it surprising, when things like that were known, that

THE CREDIT OF THE COLONY

should go down, and down? He had no hesitation in saying, as he had said before, that the credit of the colony was not what it should be. What was the position to-day of New Zealand securities as compared with those of other colonies? Take the 3 per cents. Since October, 1903, West Australia stocks had fallen 1 per cent., but New Zealand had gone down 3 per cent., while the other colonies had held their own or gained ground. In o£ per cents., since October, 1903, West Australians had fallen 1 per cent., New Zealand H per cent., Tasmania had remained stationary, while all other stocks had risen. In 4 per cents., since October, 1903, New Zealands had fallen £ per cent., while all the others had risen. Having that evidence, which wa3 clear and unmistakable, he asked what was the reason of it ? There wore many reasons. The legislation of the Government had had something to do with it, and its administration had had a good deal more to do with it. No sinking funds were provided. AH responsibility with regard to every penny that was borrowed was cast on posterity, and the plea, was that we were also leaving an asset to posterity. In some instances that was so, but not in all. The plea could not hold in regard to some of the Government schemes. As to their superannuation schemes, there were superannuation schemes for the police, the railway employees, and the teachers, and in every instance the contributions were not sufficient to make the schemes sound. With regard to the teachers superannuation the Education Committee had twice passed a resolution that the £17,000 a year necessary to make the scheme sound should be found by the colony. But the Minister of Education blocked the proposal, and it did not come to a vote in the House. What would posteritysay about the burden that was now being placed upon it. He believedwthat posterity would curse the man who laid such unfair burdens on its shoulders. We were now in times of prosperity, with huge, so-called surpluses, and a paltry £17,000 a year coulcT not be found to make the teachers' superannuation scheme sound, though £150,000 additional per annum could he found' for old-age pensions and £65,000 for the railway service. Was it right? Mr M'Nab, a. strong Government supporter, said it bordered on political infamy that the Government did not do this thing. Now the London financiers knew that this sort of thing was going on and that was one rea-son. why the colony's credit was going down in the Mother Country. Ec had previously spoken of the Home agent investing £50,000 of our oM'n money in one of tho colony's loans. Then the Minister of Mines had said, no doubt in an unguarded! moment, that the State coal mines had been started to give work to the unemployed. Was it the wish of the taxpayers and settlers that an experiment like thai? should be started to provide work for tM unemployed? And how were the State coal mines being used to-day? Why, the very railways were being used to bolster up the mines. 'Railway officials, giving evidence before the Goldfields and Mines Committee, said that the State coal had been loaded on to the railways at a price that would nos pay them, and that if a jHav-afa owns? Ci

company had sent coal to the railway of tho quality that came from the State coal mine the owner or company would have had it east back on him again. It was said, .however, that the railway officials were ■beginning to jib, and rightly, too. They had been indulging in loans by way of short-dated debentures, and these had to be renewed, and the renewals were a picture. Th© thing was as rotten as could be from the viewpoint of sound finance. The" unloading of shortdated loans on the London market had depressed their stock. "^ey had been floating loans in London through the medium of underwriters, which medium Mr Seddon had come back to, and the •underwriter having had in his hands great masses of these loans had had to unload them on a falling market, and that was one of the reasons the colony's stock we-re so low in the London market. Th© manipulation of the consolidated and public works accounts he had told them of, aud how falsß the surpluses were, and how repairs to lines that should be charged from revenue were charged to public works, and a big surplus, made to appear which was really not there. He could go on indefinitely, but time -would not permit. He had been criticising harshly, but it waa due to the electors that there should be harsh criticism to-day. Had he nothing but harsh criticism to offervat this -election it might be less palatable, but .there* was more. -- / . THE OEPOSITIOjST had idone what, as far as "he -knew, no Opposition had done in the .country bef ope— namely, -laid ,down clear lines of policy that they -were, prepared to follow and to stand the chance of these .being taken advantage of and purloined by the Government, • which was ready to seize 'all" "that wae good in their policy, and had - seized "much of -it, and he had no doubt that before long the Premier would be found offering the option of the freehold. As to the construction policy of the Opposition, they wanted to reconstruct the Legislative Council. It was an abortion, and should be either wiped out of existence or mended. The Opposition proposed to amend it, and to give tbe people power to elect that Council. In regard to finance, they offered to restore the -finance of the colony to a sound basis, a.nd guaranteed,, so f?r as men could guarantee, by a sound policy of administration to bring New Zealand stocks to the top of the tree again, where they should be, and had been in the past, and would be- again if the Government waa changed.— (Applause.) It was "essential that they should be there. The colony had facilities and capabilities possessed by no other Australasian colony, and its credit should be the highest, and not nearly the lowest as it was to-day. In regard to education, the Opposition offered an educational scheme, which provided that those who are worthy would get a free education right from the primary schools to, the university. They did not offer a. system of education such as had. stamped out all initiative and originality ' from ■ teachers. They offered a teacher's superannuation scheme with contributions from the State to -make ilr sound. In regard to - education, they were aware that .there, was need for the' co-operation and .connecting up of primary and secondary schools and niniver-sities. Though something - was being done in regard to "technical-education, this was not everything it 'should be. '.More -should be done, and they, I felt that' of aU the influences they could "offer "^fche community ~to make it thoroughlj efficient there -was nothing like a good sound .education. But it must be education that made a man think, and i-ofc such aa turned but machines. Individuality, originality, and initiative were the results most desirable Irom education, and it was by such qualities in its people that the colony would best compete successfully with the outside world. It was incorrect to say that the Opposition had not laid down clearly and definitely what it promised to give the people. With Mr Massey's authority the Opposition had published .a manifesto which he showed them in black and white. ' It covered reform of the land tenure, of the educational system, of the Legislative Council, of the finance of local foodies, of the public works, and many other things. Progress was its central mark. Every country settler was to have the option of getting the freehold and . making his home his own, secure, from all arts, and devices of the single taxer, or any other taxer, or any other robber. — (Applause.) To parents they offered better educational facilities for their children, better staffing of the- schools, better remuneration to teachers, and -local control. Mr Seddon would lapse back to centralisation ;to-merro\*~~"'if , he dared. To local bodies they-offered assure"d finance, and to busiiressrmen euitaible conditions and no illconsidered legislation, such as the Shops and 'Offices Bill,, on the last day of the session. - He left them this manifesto of the Opposition, .and the assurance that the time .was very opportune for A CHANGE IN THE ADMINISTRATION. There was need for it. Every man and woman who had a right to vote should exercise that vote. If they judged both sides fairly he was sure they could have no doubf as to which was in the right. On the one side, though they had no call to do it, the Opposition offered a clear-out policy. On the other side was found practically no policy, only the greed for office of an effete, worn-out Ministry, a patcbed-up concern that they had best throw into the scrap heap so that they could_ start with a new, good-going inachine. — (Applause.) Mr Allen had a most attentive and appreciative hearing, and at the close of his fcddress answered one or two unimportant questions. In reply to the secretary of the Milton branch of the Bible-in-sohools Referendum Jjeague he said he was in favour *of the people having, by means of the referendum, & say as *to whether the Bible should or should not be read in schools under the conditions laid down by the league. Mr B. Murray moved, and Mr R. Ferguson seconded — " That Mr Allen be accorded a hearty vote of thanks and full .confidence." The motion was carried unonimously on fche voices, there being no dissent. - Mr Jennings. M.H.R., considers that ihe Maori Land Settlement Act wilt .prove one of the most important passed' this session, provided it is administered with celerity. It should materially aid settlem«"f in the Auckland and Taranaki districts*