TRUIMPHANT IMPERIALISM.

Otago Witness, Issue 2433, 31 October 1900, Page 11

TRUIMPHANT IMPERIALISM.

The general election in the United Kingdom is at length complete, with the exception of the returns from the electoral Ultima Thule of Orkney and Shetland, which have yet to come to hand. In 1895 t. - seat went to the Liberals, by a vote of 2361 to 1580. The general result is very much what was expected. The position has to be considered from two aspects. First, as regards the state of parties without reference to issues of Imperial policy, the verdict is almost an exact repetition of that pronounced by the electors five years ago. The Liberals have very slightly improved their position. Thus in 1895 the Unionist party — that is, the Conservatives and the " Liberal Unionists "" — returned 411 members, the Liberals 177, and the Irish Nationalists 82. The new figures are Unionists 406, Liberals 181, Nationalists 83. Accordingly, with respect to domestic and general politics, the Ministerial majority has fallen by ten, — from 152 to 142. But the figxires have another — and, for immediate purposes, a more important — significance. Of the 181 Liberals returned, no less than 82 profess the principles of " Liberal Imperialism " : in other words, they are Roseberyites, — strongly opposed to the general politics of the Government, trat fully convinced as to tiie necessity of a resolute Imperial policy in South Africa. These " Liberal Imperialists " (who, by the way, must on no account be confused with the " Liberal Unionists ") will be found voting with the Government on the issue of the future of the new South African colonies, and, indeed, on any general issue regarding the policy (or, as Sir Edward Grey prefers to say, the " merits " of the Avar). Their position was clearly defined by Sir Edward Grey, their chief spokesman, in - the House of Commons on July 25, when Sir Wilfrid Lawson (now relieved from parliamentary attendance-) moved a reduction of the Colonial Office vote, by way of protest against Mr Chamberlain's policy. . This was the famous discussion in which the " three sets " of Liberal views were manifested. Mr John Morley, Mr Courtney, and Sir R. Reid voted with Sir Wilfrid; Sir H. Campbell-Bannerman walked out without voting; but Sir Edward Grey and a number of other staunch Liberals supported the Government. To quote from a condensed report, Sir Edward Grey " announced that, unlike the leader of the Opposition, he was going to vote against the amendment, which raised the whole question of the merits of the war. He used the word ' merits ' in preference to the word 'policy ' because he believed that there never had been a war policy in this country, although there had been such a policy in the Transvaal. On the question of the punishment of rebels, he said that, while he should have voted against perpetual disfranchisement, he should support disfranchisement for five years. No excessive and irreparable penalties were to be imposed, and the question whether further leniency should be shown could be deferred until after some reparation had been made to the loyalists who had suffered. He reminded Mr Courtney that a conciliatory temper ran the risk of being misunderstood in South Africa. With regard to the form of the final settlement, he declined to commit himself at present, but he approved of the policy of annexation." This, then, is the position of the "Liberal Imperialists" in regard to the South African- issue, — though they will probably remain strongly anti-Ministerialist on other questions. They are likely to be specially active in urging the necessity of reform at the War Office.

Thus, while on ordinary political questions the Ministerial majority will be 142 (counting all the Irish Nationalists as hostile), on the South African issue Mr Chamberlain will "be able to show the world a magnificent and tinprecedented majority of 304, — 486 to 182. It will be larger still, should any of the Irish Nationalists decide to put patriotism before faction,— and they may not all be pledged to proBoerism. Three hundred and four !—! — so it was for this that Mr Kruger was " waiting until October " ! This is the answer to muttering hate abroad and canting disloyalty at home. This is the answer, tlie people's answer, to the perverted sentimentalism that has an ear for all wrongs save those of its own countrymen, and to the factious obstinacy that glorifies oppression in tlie name of freedom : a majority of three hundred and four ! "&. people's voice! We are a

people yet." If the electors had given an equivocal verdict upon this occasion, it would have been almost pardonable to despair of England's future and to surmise that the " weary Titan " was indeed finding the '" vast orb of her fate " too heavy for the Atlantean shoulders. But this year's work — and especially this month's work — has shown that the nation retains all its pristine vitality, and pnee more, strengthened by the strong love of her far-flung colonies, England has proved true to herself. Once more, in the eyes of Europe and the world, All our past acclaims our future: Shakespeare's voice "and Nelson's hand, Milton's faith and Wordsworth's trust in this

our chosen and chainless land, Bear us witness . come the world against her, England yet shall stand. No man ever spake as he that bade our England be but true, Keep but faith with England fast -and firm, and none should bid her rue ; None may speak as he : but all may know the

sign that Shakespeare knew. And this general election has once more given " the sign " of a free and resolute nation ■to a none too friendly world, — and that sign the world will heed, even while it hates. Depend upon it, we shall not hear much more of Dr Leyds and his hopeful lies, and the last duped Boer burgher may now be expected to let the scales fall from his eyes. To all practical intents, Lord Salisbury and Mr Chamberlain will be strong in the strength of a united people when they speak to Europe and South Africa ; and though (as we have said before) the enormous Ministerial majority may have its disadvantages, — seeing that the Opposition "will be perilously powerless during the next six years, — still, this is but a small' price to pay for the triumphant manifestation of the national sign. England — and, of course, we use the word in the large sense — has done her duty.