THE WEEK.

Otago Witness, Issue 2106, 5 July 1894, Page 27

THE WEEK.

BTanqnam *Un 4 natnia, allud omplentia dlxlt."— Jvv*k.u 11 Goodnature and good iama mutt oior tola."— Pop*.

Writing a few days after the avowal of the Bank of New Zealand's colTho Bank, lapse and the measures which were taken to prevent that collapse from being complete and final, we are fully prepared to concur in the opinion that the lesser of two evils was to in some way or other place the high credit of the colony at the back of the exhausted credit of the bank. That, however, does not alter the Fact that the lesser of the two evils was still an evil, and one, we are afraid, all will yet have occasion to admit, of no trivial nature, Bat since evil had to be done that good might follow, the duty lay upon those who had to decide on what was to be done to ste not only that as little evil as possible, but also that as much good as possible, should be effected by the aotual means decided upon to meet the crisis. As between striving to meet and adequately respond to the final appeal of the bank, and ignorantly rejecting it, we are fully of opinion that no real choice lay open to any sane Government. Save the bank at tbis particular juncture they must, and the only question was how. We are far from desiring to make light of the extreme perplfxity in which the Government found itself ; but while we commend them for doing their best to cope with the crisis, we see no reason, now that the bill has become law, to refrain from expressing grave doubts as to whether the actual course taken was either adequately effective, or in as small a degree as possible compromising to the colony. As, however, we expect that within the course of the next fortnight light will be t hrown upon the question from certain quarters which cannot be ignored, and as it is meantime desirable to give every possible support to the Government iv its difficulty, we shall refrain from further reference for the present. The incident, however, should teach the folly of wilfully, for political purposes, preaching " Peace, peace," when there is no peace ; for it can hardly be supposed that the Colonial Treasurer dcoa not now devoutly wish that he had never gone to Oamaru, and the Premier that he bad never introduced that unfortunate sentence into the Governor's Speech.

The chances of the Tuapeka election aie understood to be considerably The involved with the Catholic Two vote, Mr Larnacb's friends Candidates, apparently hoping that his

sudden desertion from the Catholic cause after inquiries in the Wakatipu district during last general eleo tlon will be condoned in the de:-ire to punish Mr Mackenzie's long and fearless support of the national system of education. Why, exactly, oar Catholic friends should be credited with preferring, or even, in a political sense, trusting, a gentleman who only the other day suddenly abandoned them after supporting the Catholic claims throughout his political life, seems difficult to understand, Nor do we altogether believe it ; for desertion, after all, inevitably rouses more intense antagonism than the attitude of one who honestly differs, and who will not sell his opinions backwards and forwards for support though he lose a dozen elections. As for the upholders of national education, they can hardly be expected to count upon Mr Larnacb. notwithstanding his present altered professions.

On the other hand, Mr Scobie Mackenzie's strength, in Central Otago at any rate, lies in his powerful support of the Otago Central railway, side by side with the late Mr Pyke, at the time when Mr Ballance turned his notorious somersault on the question, and, by the help of Mr Larnaoh alone of all the Otago members, succeeded ia defeating for aU time the only real chance the Otago Central ever had. Mr Pvke, if he were alive, might well be aghast at the notion of his place being sought to be taken by the one Otago member who, against the honestly united effort for once of the whole province, helped for party purposes to deal the railway its death blow in the celebrated debate of 2Snd

August 1889. Though we allow these things to drop in the cities, they are never forgotten in the country; and the defeat of the joint Atkinson- Pyke-Mackenzle bill of 1889 by Mr Laruach's adhesion to Mr Balance in the laser's hostile attitude has raukled in the minds of our Central Ofcago friends ever bine?.

Undoubtedly, also, Mr Larnach suffers by his lifeloDg association with the money and banking interest, which is, we think somewhat unfairly, unpopular in the country districts. As a bank director he must, under present circumstances, be peculiarly under certain influences which clog hia political independence ; and it is rather unfortunate for him that fate has directed him to 6eek for votes in the neighbourhood of the enormous Moa Flat and Island Block freeholds, which, in his capacity as attorney for an Australian millionaire, he so cleverly extracted from the Provincial Government some years ago.

Mr Scobie Mackenzie's weakness from an electioneering point of view lies in the uncompromising way in which he expresses bis opinions, often needle^Bly exasperating his opponents by bis determination to make his words clear at whatever cost to himself. Tbis peculiarity has generally left Mr Mackenzie outside the slavish lines of party, but on the other hand it has given him the colonial reputation he undoubtedly holds as a student and powerful advocate of genuine Liberalism, whom it is useless to try and tempt into sham professions by any party advantage thab astute leaders can offer. Though Mr Mackenzie has his own faults, he certainly shows to great advantage in the present contest as a man who stands stubbornly by the Liberalism he believes in as against an opponent who, in opposition to his whole political career, is apparently (from some date subsequent to the late general election) ready to swear by any and every view which ie wired down from Wellington for him to advocate.

The Stuart Memorial.

The large majority by which a statue was voted to Dr Stuart as against various more up to-date proposals shows that our national love for statues (which is in inverse proportion to our appreciation of statuary) remains undiminished. The last occasion but one upon which Duoedin indulged this ancient taste brought with it but little real satisfaction ; while the very last effort in that line — which, however, was a monument, not a statue — fails to impress visitors to the credit of the town, though it may in other respects produce occasionally the impression apparently desired by its founder. Mr Macandrew, who correspsnded politically to the late Doctor socially, in respect to their hold upon the hearts of the Otago people, is questionably honoured by a third mediocre presentment ; and it must be owned that a good many people have fondly hoped that he wonld for some time to come oloae the list.

We have implied that British people, though subject to an ineradicable hankering after statues, evicce little appreciation of the art of statuary. We hardly think the statement will be questioned. The art is greatly neglected in all English-speaking countries, and certainly £o far as our own race is concerned the noble Grecian creations of thousands of years ago remain to this day unrivalled. From an inspection of the numerous statues in the Metropolis of the Empire, for instance, one gathers the impression that the British people orders its goods in that line on the principle adopted by the newly-enriched Yankee, who requested the bookseller to send " half a ton of them red-and-yaller books." So long as they get a statue, it does not much matter to them what pitch of art the achievement represent*. When Artemus Ward was confronted with a cognate difficulty in regard to a waxwork figure of Sir Edmund Head (which failed to convey to the spectators any definite suggestion of that eminent governor) he addressed the dissatisfied crowd as follows :: — •' I call that Sir Edmund Head ; you can call him what you darn please." Tee show proceeded with entire content. Innumerable examples must have convinced everybody, in short, that to make a life-like statue of any person is about the most difficult thing in the world — as different to the task of making a successful painting in oils as the latter is to the taking of a good photograph, Since, however, a statue it is to be, we hope that all will heartily join to do the part which subsorihers can do towards giving success every possible chance— and then join in piously hoping for the best.

The so-called (and absurdly called) "noconfidence motion " which Sir Robert had jast been disposed of '* Bluffed," when we went to press last

week, was doubtless of importance in some ways ; but in relation to the position of the Government in the House it wan of no importance whatever. Sir Robert Stoat was of coarse entirely accurate in describing the a'timde of the Premier towards his motion as one of " bluff." Apart from. the. fact that this is Mr Seddon'a customary attitude, " bluff " was, as a matter of fact, hia only available resorb in the indefensible piece of business which had aroused Sir Robert's indignation. To allow the matter to be debated on its merits before a lot of eager and doubtless conscientious novices was out ot the question at so early a Btage of the session. Mr Seddon acts consistently on the principle that the very first duty of a Government is to save its skin, and in this is for the most part earnestly seconded by his colleagues. The long list of burked and cooked returns, and such fcandals as those of the secret, silent, and surreptitious alteration of the Public Works Statement-, and the gross misrepresentations of the railway figures in order to escape the consequences of Mr Maxwell's exposures, testify to the consistency with which tbis paramount principle is sowadays kept as the Ministerial headlight. In the case of Colonel Fraser it was neoesßary at all hazards to stop the discussion atd the inevitable exposures which must result from it ; and thus the evidently preposterous pretence that Sir Robert Stout's motion was one of "no confidence" came about. The obedient followers duly came into heel; and, impossible as it is to read without ridioule Mr Seddon'i loud high-falutia about the j honour of the GoTwnmeot and bo forth, the ,

device had the credit that comes to saccess.

This appointment of Colonel Fraser is very bad indeed — worse than members in the House care to .say. " Not half a dozen members off the Government; benches," said Captain Russell, an honourable acd upright gentleman as any there, and not by auy means given to saying bitter things, •' dare lay their hand on their heart and say this is a desirable appointment." Why? The reason is now notorious ; yet Colonel Fra*er sits in the Sergeant-at ; armu' chair and wears his uniform, content, apparently, wonderful to relate, to be maintained there, against all the force of an outraged public opinion, by the force of a Government majority. However, if the saying were true (which it is not) that every man has his price politically, Colonel Fraser's has the merit of not beiDg an exorbitant one. The appointment is of course illegal ; but that is a minor matter. If a dozan statutes were passed to legalise it to-morrow, it would remain, under the circumstacces, what it was openly declared to be in the House ; and the tardy concession, after detection, by which the Premier promised not to pay his hiend his £200 a year till the expiry of the present session serves for little more than to emphasise the utter weakness of which the Government was conscious in the matter.

A "Brush" at the End of the Fox Hunt.

As it turns out, we were very accurate in our speculation of two or three weeks ago as to the uncomfortable pass to which matters had come in connection with Mr O'Hara Smlth'B peculiar inveetigations. We suggested that that gentleman's unobtrusive flight in the direction of Auckland was due to the fact that what he was going to report was so extremely unpleasant to Ministers (or some of them) that the difficulty was to know what on earth to do with him to gain a little time. The outcome shows that matters are more mixed up even than we suggested. Mr O'Hara Smith, who was appointed by the Ministry to investigate, spends several weeks in swearing and examining people, and then coolly turns round and says in effect (we accopt Sir Putrick Buckley's own translation of the commissioner's conclusion) that Sir Patrick himself was the culprit, and that moreover he doesn't; believe Sir Patrick's oath I This report is laid on the table of the Lower House by the Premier with the astounding statement that be is " gratified that it co completely clears his colleagues," and simultaneously on the tab!e of the Upper by one of those very colleagues with a furious denunciation of the infamous aspersions which the very same report casts upon him 1 This is a very pretty situation. Tben as a supplement Sir Patrick makes it perfectly clear that he did not perjure himself in the manner directly stated in the report which so " gratified " the Premier; and Mr Gillon, the offending editor, clinches the absolute accuracy of Sir Patrick's defence by swearing an affidavit that he (Sir Patrick) as a matter of fact did not directly or indirectly supply the information at all. Finally, the Post itself comes out with a categorical explanation of the whole thing, to the effect that from beginning to eni it was a plot of Mr Seddon's to get rid of Sir Patrick Buckley out of the Cabinet by casting some shameful suspicion or other upon his honour and extinguishing him for ever in a whirlpool of public obloquy ; while it is an open secret in Wellington that the Minister for Lands, whose special pet this Mr O'Hara Smith is, is at daggers drawn with his beloved colleague over the latter'B scathing denunciation of the late royal commissioner in the Upper House, which is taken as a direct reflection upon the Minister who generally employs him. A most edifying squabble, in short, from first to last ; and, as we said two or three weeks ago, Mr Seddcn beiiig the man he is, it quite settles Sir Patrick Buckley's chances for the Agentgeneralship.