EPOCHS IN IRISH HISTORY.

Otago Witness, Issue 2004, 21 July 1892, Page 39

EPOCHS IN IRISH HISTORY.

Bt R. N. ADAMS No. LXXVIII. THE VOLUNTEER CONVENTION, 1783. THE ELECTION. The Parliament of Ireland elected in 1776 ended its career in 1785, and in July of that year came the excitement and commotioQ o( the election of a new Parliament. Saa-.s in Parliament then were in many cases prjcured by the payment Of large sums of money. There were 32 counties, each returning two members. Borougks and cities returned 236. Of those 300 seats, " 176 were the properties of bishops, peers, and commoners," and were regarded as a legitimate source of income. They were usually sold to the men who would pay most for them. The prices varied, in some cases very large sums being paid. For instance, in 1780 the seat for Belturbet was bought for Lll,ooo. In 178 i Grattan gave L2OOO for a saat to enable Lord Charlemont to fit in the House. In 1800 he paid L2IOO for his own seah at Wicklow, and in the >>aine year the seat for Kilbiggan was sold to Mr Goal \ for LIOOO. As much as LSOOO has beon offerel for tho privilege of a single vets. This trade in seats w,is njt regarded as anything improper, for it was the custom. Indeed, it was looked upon with much favour. The same system prevailed in England and Scotland. It was owing to this that the Government was able to retain its majority in spite of a popular reform party. Had the election of 1783 been by a free vote of even che persons then entitled to exercise the franchise, most certainly the Opposition would have largely preponderated. A majority probably would have been followers of Flood, because at that time he was undoubtedly the most popu'ar man with the volunteers, and they were the most popular and powerful body in the country. THE RIGHT REVEREND BENCH. It was usual for the Government to depend On the support of the bishops in time 3 of elections, the interests of both being almost identical ; but on this occasion the bishops asserted their independence with such determination as to cause the Viceroy considerable anxiety, and forced him to appeal to England for advice, desiring to know " whether he was to signify his Majesty's disapprobation of their conduct." But the King was not so troubled about the matter, although he considered it "extremely improper conduct." Lord Northington was compelled to find other means of procuring seats for men prepared to carry out the wishes of the Government. By a free use of money paid out in the interests of the management of the country's affairs he succeeded in finding men from among the large number of claimants, on various accounts, to Government patronage, who were prepared to vote as they were required ; very much as we find men pledge themselves to vote as their leader requires them, even in free and independent countries to-day. In many of our forms of parliamentary procedure wo have very greatly improved on the state of affairs as they were a hundred years ago, but we at the same time retain many of the essential evils of olden time. INSIDIOUS PURPOSES. The volunteers, having become recognised by the country as its saviours from foreign invasion as well as from tne tyranny of English oppression, were jealous of their importance and watchful of any event that might be construed into a scheme for supplanting them. When therefore peace was secured to the British army and navy in 1782, and it was found necessary to disband a large portion of the forces and to restore garrisons on land, the volunteers at once resented the proposal to place 5000 men in Ireland as an insidious plan to deprive them of their position, and to restore the regular army. This, along with the system of election, by which those in power were able to pack the House of Commons with their supporters, caused the volunteers to become apprehensive that after all the Constitution which they had been instrumental in securing ! was far from perfect. Ireland could not be I safe or independent so long as her liberties could be menaced in this manner, and they saw in the shadow of passing events the crafty policy of England again preparing to cast the cords of bondage about them. The liberty they had left their houses ti demand — for which they had taken to the ga\ life of uniform and drill, forsaking the drudgery of farm life, shepherding, and other menial callings — was in imminent danger, and their own loved occupation was threatened with extinction ; and they once more grew enthusiastic for further reform, in face of the fact that the most solemn assurances had been given that when England had granted all tho concessions previously asked for, all Ireland would be satisfied, and would live in undying gratitude for the manner in which the sister kingdom had manifested its determination to do what was right and just. The spirit of reform, however, was in the air. It was the cry of Pitt and his party in England, and Ireland through the eyes of her volunteers saw still many ways in which she could be made better. ANOTHER CONVENTION. In response to summonses issued from Belfast and Lisburn, delegates from 272 companies of the volunteer army of Ulster met on the Bth September to consider matters relative to the national commonwealth. As before, they met at Dangannon ; but without the presence or approval of Grattan, who was the spring of all their activity the previous year. The summons calling them together informed them, after enumerating what they had already accomplished, that "it now remained to abolish the courtly mercenaries who preyed on the vitals of public virtue, and to prevent the return of venal majorities to support dishonourable measures.' When they assembled they took a similar course to the. one adopted on the previous occasion by passing a series of resolutions, the first two of which are worth reproducing simply as an indication of the ■confusion of ideas under which they were ■struggling in hope of establishing a free and flourishing nation. (1) That freedom is the indefeasible right of Irishmen and of Britons, derived from the author of their being, and of whioh no power on earth,

much less a delegated power, hath 'a right to deprive them. (2) That they only are free who are governed by no laws but those to which they assent, either by themselves in person, or by their representatives freely chosen, subject to the control, and frequently returning to the common mass, of constituents.

! The mind that framed those resolutions was in n6 fit state to guide the destinies of a people. The freedom there spoken of is an indefinable something, possessed by an impossible people. It is impossible to deny the first proposition, beciuse there is no way to determine its meaning. We 'can only suppose whatis intended by the use of bhe word freedom. It was enough, however, td appeal to the popular ear by, bat 4s a principle in political economy it is an empty s'tabement. The second is not otly confused, but intrinsically false ; for if it be admitted, then under an elective system there never can be t a free people, for there are always some who | have no franchise, while the large minorities who fail to elect their chosen representative are according to this dictum "not free." The delegates passed 15 resolutions, all intended to make plain the way to freedom. Some were wise and some were otherwise. Then it wa3 determined to recommend the volunteer armies of the other four provinces to adopt the came or similar resolutions, and then join in a great armed convention in Dublin on the 10th November, to hold its meeting at the same time that Parliament was sitting. PARLIAMENT MEETS. The new Parliament met on the 14th of October, amid much excitement in the breasts of those who were aspiring to the proud position of leader of the opposition. Flood, who was not long in finding an opportunity to place himself in the front, moved fora "reduction in the military expenditure." There had by that time been introduced into the country a regular army of 12,000 men, and the man who hoped to be carried into power and position through his advocacy of the) volunteers considered it his proper duty to stand in the breach in their behalf. It was evident that the Government had placed the regulars ihere to strengthen its own position in case of necessity, and a regular army was an offence to the volunteers. Owing to Grattan's position with regard to the assurances formerly made to Government, that the concessions already granted would be final, he wag in honour bound to oppose any further demands, such as were evidently about to follow Flood's attack on the army. He therefore reminded Flood of his connection with Lord Harcourt's Government, and his participation in its extravagance, and characterised the present motion as inopportune and ungracious. Flood at once saw how he had gained the advantage he wished ; but seeking to improve it he sought also to humiliate hia rival, and was himself subjected to an unmerciful exposure from the best master in that line Ireland has "produced. The [quarrel ended in a challenge to a duel, and the arrest of the two rivals by order of Mr Speaker, Next day all blew . over and things went on as usual. THE RIVAL PARLIAMENT. Monday, the 10th November 1783, was a gay day in Dublin. Parliament had looked for ita approach with no little apprehension. All the provincial volunteer armies had made preparations to assure their own legislature a splendid inauguration. Three hundred delegates of the volunteer companies of the five provinces had been elected to constitute the Peoples' Parliament. Their sessions were held in the Rotunda. They had first assembled in the Royal Exchange, from which place they marched in procession through the city with the grandest show possible, accompanied by thousands of volunteers, bands, and colours flying. The streets were thronged with spectators eager to witness the liberators of their cointry marching to duty, Lord Charlemont was elected chairman, Captain Dawson, and J. T. Ashenhurst were elected aecretaries. They refrained from forming a ministry, although they brought in bills and passed them in regular form. The Government found it expedient to sow the elements of discord among the members of the new body. That was not difficult to manage. There were two parties among them who only wanted to be reached in the proper manner to ignite the flame that would result in the fire of destruction This was effected through the instrumentality of Sir Boyle Roche, who pretended that be was authorised to say in the Assembly, on behalf of the Irish Roman Catholic gentry, that there was no desire on their part to claim, or solicit any further concession towards their religion, as they were perfectly satisfied with the liberties , already granted. That set the affair ! moving, and immediately two contending parties opposed each other, where all expected to move in harmonious unity, THE FIRST BILL SUBMITTED. After some delay arrangements were made to prepare some measures that should be sent up to the House of Commons to be stamped with the authority of law. One great bill was eventually oarried through all> its stages, and Flood was appointed to introduce it io the House. At last the eventful moment had arrived. A real bill, drawn and passed by the undoubted representatives of the people, and embodying the first principles of popular government, and the elements of civil freedom, was about to be placed before a Parliament of men which would not dare to reject it, seeing there was *t the back of it all the force of the volunteer armies of the five provinces. Ireland's day of freedom was just about to burst upon her delighted and ennobled people with a sudden yet enduring blaze of glory. Flood set out from the Rotunda for the House of Commons, expecting to become the most famous man in the world in the estimation of his grateful country. The moment for which his ambitious soul had impatiently longed was now almo3t within in his grasp. He held in bis hand the instrument which was for ever to associate his name with those men whom history dwells upon with a reverence which raises them far into the realm of demigods. As he crossed the threshold of the House of Commons his heart beat quicker and his Btep seemed to grow more elastic, while the eagerness of his being caused the flash to brighten his cheeks. It was not long before he was favoured with a chance to rise and ask leave to introduce this

glorious measure to the notice of the august assembly. He made no reference to its origin, nor did he speak long, as he never couated on a refusal ; but no sooner had he resumed his seat than opposition to it commenced, and that with such vigour that his glowing hope 3 faded quickly from hia expectant soul. With words oE the strongest indigßatfon member after member opposed tiro re6ogoition of a measure sent up to the House from such an assembly, and sought to be forced through the House by the power of gun and bayonet. Leave ta introduce it was not given, and at once the House asserted its dignity by carrying this resolution—"lt is now necessary to declare that this House will maintain its just rights and privileges against all encroachments whatsoever." The blow struck the convention in a vital spot. Its leaders were not equal to the situation ; they were upset, and in a few days the great " three hundred " had dispersed, leaving Parliament to prosecute its way on its own lines.