EPOCHS IN IRISH HISTORY.

Otago Witness, Issue 1933, 25 February 1892, Page 39

EPOCHS IN IRISH HISTORY.

By R. N. Adams.

No. LXIX.

MEN OF MARK AND DESTINY.

KING GEOBGE 111.

Among the men whose character largely influenced the progress of Irish history was George 111, King ot England, alrhough popular writers on that subject would be reluctant to acknowledge that any English king had ever given cast to any measures for Ireland's improvement. However^ when George came to the throne he gave great attention to the events then taking place in Ireland, and, like Pitt, he desired to upderstand the cmse of ihe continual friction and opposition, so often resulting mi acts of open ie^ellion between the Irish people and the Government. He could not be blind fco the fearful py&tem of corruption carried on by the Irish Ministers and by servants of the Crown. Ireland was mauag^d by corruption and fraud, to such an extent that any measure of honest inquiry must -have exposed it to the view of a man of sense and discernment. That the c tbiugs had'Oimo under the notice of King Gedrge i* evident from the ch-iractcr of a letter of instruction which he forwarded, apparently nob through the usual official channel, bur. direct from himself, to the Viceroy, L-.rd Hertford. He first required the Loid Lieutenant to acquaint him of the real state of the country then he goes on to admonish him » attend to the operations of the church, «. ' '\-irefully supervise the appointment to livn Jo of men who, being pious and v 'ndo.>, wouli reside in their, parishes, &o. Nt.\t ' f* was to see to the honest administration cf public affair.-. He was to detect the frauds of the various departments and correct them, and as far as possible set things on a proper and just plin. He was to be watchful over the pension list, that source of perennial fraud, and withhold the benefits of that system from every person to whom the King did not personally give his approval. The same care was to be observed in the granting of titles of honour, lands, aad r*oney for any purpose other than that properly due. He was to see that all proper calls upon the revenue were satisfied before pensions were paid, and if any had to suffer it must be the pensioners, who wero to ba paid pro rata. He was to pay special heed to the behaviour of magistrates and judges. Those who neglected to do their duty were to be removed. The whole civil service was to be bold in careful check, and only those officers were to be retained who were diligent and honourable in their work. The Viceroy was to be a thorough autocrat in these matter. 11 , to restcre the eDtire moral tone of the general administration. He was to disarm the Papists and see that the order to store in the ?rEer.als all the arms thus taken was carried out; Protestants were to be encouraged to settle in the country; the articles of Limerick and Gal way were to bo " strictly construed " ; and the reversion of the outlawries was to oe effected only on the express permission of the Crown ; the army was to be carefully remodelled; all the fortifications were to be surveyed, their condition and supplies repoited on ; soldiers were to be regularly paid, and any mis conduct among the officers was to be at once noticed ar >d dealt with irrespective of rank or station ; duellists were to be dismissed, and uot readmitted; no Parliament was to be summoned without the royal command.

This document clearly prove 3 that Georgo 111 thoroughly understood the nature of Ireland's trouble-, and he had a good grasp of the method by which those troubles could by destroyed. Corruption had entered so deeply rnto the parliamentary system that the only way to remove it was to administer the affairs of the country by a personal government for a period, and by thai means cut away the influence oE the intriguer.*, >vho amassed fortunes by the fraud. To have

carried out his plan the Kiug would have required to remove his throne to Dublin and to have become a second Cromwell for resolution and firmnesp. His scheme was tho best conceived since the days of the Protectorate ; but it wanted the elements necessary to give it vitality. Ireland governed after the plan of George 111 would have soon become Ireland happy ! But that wa? not her fate. The clouds of another dreadful storm were already gathering to burst with fearful violence upon her unhappy homes.

LORD TOWNSHEND

Viceroy Hertford found himself unable to carry out his Majesty's programme. The changes therein proposed amounted to a revolution in the system of Government, for which Hertford was not a fit agent. There were too raaoy interests in high places opposed to any improvement in the administration. In 1767 Lord Townshend was appointed Viceroy and commissioned to effect the desired change in the management of affairs. Yet he was not intrusted with the necessarily extensive powers for removing high officers of State which his predecessor had been invested with. He had served with some distinction in the army, especially in the war in Canada. It was he who took oommand in the siege of Quebec when Wolfe fell on the heights of Abraham, and he signed the treaty of capitulation. He was a man of fiee and easy manners, uncommon wit, and firm in his discipline. Of noble, generous disposition, he was also a shrewd statesman. He bated chicanery and fraud, but was trained to carry out orders, even while not able to app:ove of their nature. He had a severe task before him. A system of corruption had grown with years into a solid and far-reachiDg tyranny. In the hands of a few leaders lay the whole power of tho House of Commons through their unscrupulous bribery. The national funds were used to buy the votes of as many as were required to secure a majority for the Government, and that Government now began to set the King, Lords, and Commons of England at defiance. Lord Townshend found his efforts thwarted by this oligarchy. It was clear that he had «ome prepared to put; an end to their Buccese, and they would have been more than human had they quietly stood aside and made way for this agent of the English. Crown and Cabinet to expose all the gross evils of their years of control. The Viceroy, however, observing this, sought to make friends with the members in opposition* then known as the " Patriot?," by recommending the passage of measures for which that party had been struggling for years to obtain. Two of these were the securing of a, position of independence from political interference to the judge?, by making their appointment? " during their good behaviour ;" and "septennial Parliaments." The oligarchy, however, busied themselves, and by bribes secured the rejection of the Viceroy's proposals. Some even were bold or brazen enough to tell him at what price he could have their support. Had the "Patriots" been in earnest for the reforms they had been making the rallying ground of their party, they had now a chance of carrying their principal measures. Yet they refrained from taking advantage of their opportunity. Their patriotism was no more patriotic thau the sentiments of their opponents. To them as to the ofchere, there was'somethiDg more to fight for than mere patriotic measures. There was something which stood more prominently before them than great public reforms — that was, the power to dispense the bounties of the pension list. They would rather prf - serve their opponents in office, and still keep in view the possibilities of becoming sharer* in the rich gifts which were recognised as the reward of men whose opposition was worth a good price to convert it into support. Their special, almost only complaint against the appropriation of the revenue for that purpose was that some of the best gifts were made to men who immediately retired from the country to live elsewhere on their pension. The tenure of judgeships, and the duration of Parliaments might remain as they were, rather than that the Viceroy should have bis way to discontinue tho system of pensions— another name for fraud and bribery. Towenshend therefore found himself opposed by both parties ; and at the same time the English Cabinet withheld from him the necessary authority to enable him to stand firmly by his resolve to carry out the programme of reform which had been mapped out. lie applied frequently, but ineffectually, for power to go on, but always found his directors at Westminster were unprepared to stand by bis proposal. He was at length advised to adopt conciliatory measures. He had by this time made so many enemie3 that few men could have expected to regain a measure of popularity sufficient to'win over a majority in the House of Commons to enable him to proceed with the affairs of the country. He, however, began a new liDe of conduct. Instead of leaving the administration of the revenue in the hands of the Government he took it upon himself and began giving entertainments at the castle in the most brilliant fashion. By this means he soon became a general favourite with the tradesmen, then with the ladies, and at length he found himself master of a large majority of the Commons, and by means of the evil he had come to put down lie had now a discreditable command. Having wrung it from the bands of an unscrupulous oligarchy, he grasped it in his own hand on behalf of the Crown, and by corruption he overthrew the party that had lived by it for so many years. So much he accomplished according to orders from his masters while he looked upon the business with a self loathing whioh made him feel humiliated in proportion to his success.

THE PONSONBYS AND SHANNON,

The oligarchy against which Lord Townshend contended was managed by the two Ponsonbys and Lord Shannon. While Lord Shannon, fcben Mr Henry Boyle, was Speaker of the House of Commons, he was a determined opponent of: the Government, but changed parties oh being created Earl of Shannon with an annual pension of L2OOO iHis pon subsequently became one oE the first men of the Government party. John Ponsonby became Speaker and a member of the Council, and was father-in-law to Lord Shannon, and the younger Ponsonby married the sister of Lord Shannon and became Lord Justice. Associated with these was ;their friend Lord Beresford, formincr a strong family trio, intent on asserting their claim to become the perpetual sovereigns of Ireland. Their large

fortunes, and the power of manipulating the pension awards to suit their own interests, gave them a power which in the course of a few years grew almost irresistible. la a company where a sense ot duty and justice was suppressed by the unscrupulous ambition for personal advancement, nothing but a despotia course similar to that adopted by Lord Townshend could remove such a compact from power.

HELY HUTCHINSON.

One who was destined to make an impression in the history of Irish po'itics was Mr Hely Hutchinson. He was known as "a Patriot orator." He enjoyed a large and lucrative practice as a barrister in Dublin. Hutchinson was a powerful debater, and as he found it more congenial to be always in opposition, the Government bad in him a dangerous foe. He was possessed of much practical ability, which made him at the 3ame time more troublesome in opposition and more useful in co-operation than most men. He was ambitious, and chose the course which gave him the surest chance of advancement. His name lives in association with the work accomplished by Flood and Grattan in subsequent year?.

SEXTON PERY.

Pery was the son of a clergyman in Limerick, and sat in the Irish House of Commons as representative for that city. He was not easily influenced by offers of emoluments and offices of dignity, but proved a troublesome member to the Government. He loved the notoriety of opposition, and becane so important that even •' viceroys and secretaries "made special mention of him in their correspondence with the EnglK-h Cabinet. Efforts were made to secure his favour and support in \ain. Not even the solirjitor-generalship " could purchase his vote and support in tho House for the Government." He, was destined to make his mark in the j ears that were to follow.

JOHN FITZGIBBON.

John Fitzgibbon was the son of a poor Catholic peasant of Limerisk. His father was unable to give the promising youth any special advantages in the way of education. He was of Norman descent, from a once wealthy family, whose fortunes had falleu in the constant Irish wars of the previous century. By the aid of the priests John had received some elementary education, and was smuggled away to Paris that he might there be trained for the priesthood. For that profession he had a decided dislike, not even being able to convince himself of the credibility of the Catholic Church. He made his way to London. By diligence and resolution, he there found means of studying law, and at length earned for himself a respectable reputation. He returned to Ireland, followed his profession there with success, and became member of Pailiament for Newcastle, Dublin, and by his industry, prudence, and skill, soon became a gentleman of wealth and influence. As a politician he was honest and practical, never indulging in captious opposition. He was the father of John Fitzgibbon, who became Chancellor and Eirl of Clare, with whom we shall come into contact further on.

HENRY FLOOD.

Henry Flood was born in the year 1732. His father was Chief Justice of King's Bench, and a wealthy man Henry's university career was not brilliant. He devoted himself very much to the study of Demosthenes, and aimed at becoming an accomplished orator, his ambition being to secure, by his power of declamation and argument, what he regarded as the emancipation of Ireland. The science of political economy eeemed to him of very little importance beside the power of wordsand eloquence. The unhappy condition of Ireland was a weight on his soul, and he lay under the burden hoping to be yet the agent to drive back all that dire accumulation of evil that beclouded her sky. This he would do by rhetoric He was not practical enough to see that the people required a stimulant to industry, honesty, and thrift, instead of the charms of eloquence. His was to be a liberation of words, not a redemption of moral and work. He had a splendid voice, a memory well stored with the finest phrases of ancient and modern orators, poets, and agitatora. He was not long in making himself the idol of the people, and around him the Irish Patriots gathered with the fidelity of a clan to their chief. At the age of 27 years he was elected to the House of Commons as member for Kilkenny.

HENRY GRATTAN

The life of Henry Grattan ha 3 become a part of Irish history. He has been almost beatified by his countrymen. The style of his orations are adopted as specimens of classic English, and models for students to imitate. He was born in 1746. His father was recorder of Dublin, and was also member of Parliament for the city. Henry studied at Trinity College, and then went to London to prepare himself for the bar. Hi 3 father died when Henry was only 19 years of age, leaving but little property for his son, who was thus left to carve out his own fortune. He disliked his chosen profession. His rival at college, as also in Parliament, was young John Fitzgibbon. Both were earnest servan's of their country , but while Grattan became the favourite, the leader and the hero of the people, Fitzgibbon became hated, reviled, and cursed. Yet there are those who aver that of the two the latter was the truer, more courageous, and nobler man, in whose favour succeeding ages are likely to cast the vote.

— Mike : " An' what are ye diggin' out that hole for, Pat 1 " P<it : " Arrab, an 1 it's not the hole I'm after diggin' out ; I'm diggin 1 the dirt out an' lavin' the hole "

— " Henry," she said, " papa asked me last night if you smoked." " Yes !" he replied, wondering. " Well," the continued, " I think it would be a good thing if you were to offer him a cigar occasionally."