Thank you for correcting the text in this article. Your corrections improve Papers Past searches for everyone. See the latest corrections.

This article contains searchable text which was automatically generated and may contain errors. Join the community and correct any errors you spot to help us improve Papers Past.

Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image

SIR GEORGE GREY AT AUCKLAND.

Auckland, May 11th.

Sir George G-rey addressed a public meeting of the citizens of Auckland to-night, at tho Theatre Royal. The building was crowded to excess. Oa the platform were Mi-sura Harris, Hamlin, Moss, Speight, Tole, Wallis, and other influential oitizans aid rencesentativcs of public and fziandiy societies. A number of ladlea were aUo present. Captain D. M'Konz'e, chairman of tho Central Ooaioulltfe, presided. Oa Sir George Grey making his appearance oa the platform he waa received with enthusiastic entering. The Chairman having ittroduwd Sir George Grey to thai meedinir, he commenced hia address. He Baid they had met that evening to consider the state of the couuiry, and what was btsb for the people. He proposed to confine himaeH t.i tlio leading quosiious of tbe day, avoiding potty and personal details. Aa the iababitaut? of what would b« a great cation, it would bo beneath their dignity to consider matters of trifling import ia view of those questions which ciopely affected their highest interetfta, as well m those of Mher portions of -the Emplro. As th« first European inhabitants ot New Zealand, they would consider tha platform on which wera Indus bull; up laws and customs which would affect themselrea and tbelr children n chiidrfen. The gwulest production cf a country was noblo mou and noble women, and what they had now to do wan to plant snrix institutioas as would produce nobility of character, public morality, religious feeling. I',1 ', and fib fcha citizens for this world and the n«xfe. Tha writers of history showod that a nation might be moulded fco aoything by ifcs institutions in its earlier hisv>ry. Tfiey could wow ixiould in liko maaner Ne v Zealand to whaUvev tley liked, or in wh»t mode tiiey th mght life. Tiiei-o was great difficulty in doing 1 sj aiier nnc\i inBfitationn xvevo woll grounded, an was sho<vu iti the effort to found a Republic after centuries of monarchical government; ; but terrible as was the effect of the .Revolution, it pa,ved the way for a better state of things. The New Zealand Constitution had lasted only 27 years, and without any adequate resistance their rulera had bseu permitted to sweep away one of tho mo^t povfeci forms of self-govern-ment any country over enjoyed, Afc all events, when those 'institutions were lakoa (away, people rliouW J'ave sasn to it th^t tbay wtaioftd tlio right of aalf Rovernrnont, iaatead o£ the quasi despotism now prevailing. Ho caw in oa«s oi tho journala a ropori; of s,

speech by Sir W. Fox— he could not say if it was a correct report or not— in which that gentleman said the difference between Sir George Grey's party and his was that he (Sir W. Fox) favoured the American institutions, while Sir George Grey was inclined to those of France. To that statement he mußt Rive an emphatic denial. He had never inclined to the views thus attributed to him, and could not believe that the accusation had been seriously made. Sir W. Fox was to have been the leader of bis party, or Premier, after the last election. They would hereafter know whether he was in favour of American institutions. The President of America was elected by the people, ard enjoyed a modest income. New Zealand had a Governor nominated by the Crown, enjoying an enormous salary. If he had to entertain a large number of people or keep up a grand style it was necessary, but what was the result of the syet9m ? Through that flunkey ism which seemed to be inherent in human nature, every petty official or district magnate felt bound in his degree to imitate the Government, and this had brought about a a reckless social extravagance which injured everyone. With all due respect to the Governor and his office, he believed that the Governor ought to be elected by themselves. The office ought to be an object of every worthy citizan; one to which he might finally aspire. He Baw no reason, for instance, why a son of Auckland, if duly qualified, might not fill it. The present system placed power in the hands of those in office in England to damage the people of England by awarding euch prizes of patronage to syoophants and dependant?. In holding these views he was not holding those of American statesmen. Their titles were unknown in America. In England no title oould be given without the advice of a Cabinet Minister— as instance the case of William IV., who wanted to make his son in -law a peer when the Earl Grey Ministry was goiDg out. When he (Sir George Gray) was in office his views concerning titles and election of Governors were well known at the Colonial Office; yet communications were privately sent to Mr Fox and Mr Stafford asking them whether they would accept titles. He knew nothing of it, though he was at tbe head of the Colonial Government. Had the Queen, for instance, made Mr Gladstone or other distinguished politicians peers without reference to Lord Beaconsfield, the people of England would have risen as one man to resent it. This attempt to raise a landed aristocracy here had been persistently carried out for years by the party in power. It did not look much like favouring American institutions. What analogy was there between the principles of the party in power with regard to political representation and those ruling on that head in America? The Liberal party in New Zealand proposed manhocd suffrage. Their opponents wished to throw the whole power into the hands of pro-perty-holders and of land lessees or occupiers. He bad found the Auckland public intelligent and ready to hear reasons for a course of conduct, and to lean to the cause of truth. Following the principles of the Constitution which he had drawn up, the party in power were going to base representation upon population, but without disturbing the present representation of the North Island. It was absurd to partly practise the principles and partly violate them. He would advise the Auckland people, notwithstanding any temporary advantages, to repudiate such a proposal. The North Island would in a few years be settled by a large population, and then the balance would be restored. They had no occasion to fear the Middle Island Bottlers, who had no intention of wronging them. It was the large landholders who would do anything for their own interests ; and he was sorry to see jealouisy of the South inBtilled into their minds by a section of the publio Press. He would now come to the land question. Those who were going to give them American institutions, as they said, to trample on that Communist Grey with his French manners, wanted those publio lands for themselves. They prevented him passing a law by which the Government would buy the land, the Natives getting fair value, instead of being made drunk or swindled, by which that land would have been sold by auction in suitable blocks or on deferred payments without favour or partiality. Was he a Communist in endeavouring to carry out such measures as that? Those who were working with him desired to make the best land laws possible, to give every man in the community a chance of having a stake ia the soil Mr Sheehan last year, in a remarkable speech, had shown Auckland citizens how the Natives were done out of their land. He advised them to ponder over statements made in that speech, and they could come to no other conclusion than that such an iniquitous Bystem must come to an end, Coming to financial matters, it was stated that a large deficiency existed. In reality it' was abput LBO,OOO to L 90,000, for the deficiency was in land revenue to the extent of L 35.000. But the land was ull there ; it had not run away or cost anything for storage. Everybody born increased its natural increment, for more land would be wanted. Would a merchantwho had goods in his store which in a short time would find sale and increase in value consider himself bankrupt? Then tbe party in power made their own estimate, and they could make any deficiency after the fashion in which they had made their sketch of a number of works which were never intended to be made, say in Auckland. Place appropriations against them, and tbe thing was done. That was no deficiency at all. But their opponents said there was a deficiency in the revenue ; and he would refer to that hereafter. Was there anything bo bad as meanness ? If a man was not bo well off as people thought, and economised, he did not consider that mean. If he wore an old coat, but fed others, he did not consider that mean. But this waa meanness— for men to draw taxation from the property of the whole people, and expend it on works which would increase the value of their own properties— to filch from the poor to make rich the wealthier. It was robbery of every child in the Colony to increase the customs taxation for such a purpose. He left it to the people to judge whether, in acting thus, those in power were following America, or whether he was a Communist. He urged that they Bhould be reminded tbat those who worked withhimwere endeavouring to better tbia state of things, In Auckland there was seme apathy, and he must say it, and unless they bestirred themaelves it would bear inevitable fruit. There never was a better chance than now to make thiß Colony a great nation. The first thing that had been done, after some difficulty, was to give free education— of a solid character — to every child, and such as would enable it to think and act rightly. Their American gentlemen, or so- called imitators of American institutions, wanted something very different. It was a struggle to achieve what had been done, but it was accomplished. The public schools should be fertile springs leading to discoverieß and inventions which would yet give prominence to the Colony. His party would ever strive to give every man a fair there in the government of ttso country, and a chance t-- develop in its service every gift with wb i'rovidenca had endowed him. Iv his youth he had seen that money, not ftb;lifcy> payed the road to preference. He

hoped never to see that system obtain in New Zealand. Turning again to the question of land, for it wai a most important one, these American gentlemen who are endeavouring to arrange a system of land purchase have stopped the progress of tbe country for years to come. Small numbers of persons have got the best portion of the 0 >lony in their hands wrong, fully, and irreparably, as be believed. Taking Canterbury for instance, with which some of the Ministers were connected, where unsold lands had been declared open to all, and where a man might select and go to Cbristcburch and pay his L 2 an acre and get his section, a system of gridironiog had obtained which effectually closed the country against small selectors, and which he explained at length. An effort ought to bo made by tbe law to remedy the wrong and injuries that had been perpetrated on individuals. There were instances in other Provinces of men holding 100,000 acres of land. One case was in Otago, where a number ef capitalists bought large tracts of land, formed a # company, and now informed the public, to whom they were offering it for sale, that they had selected it so as to prevent the adjoining land being bought by anybody, and which block was beimf used as a run, to be purchased when necessary. Such a land system lad to ownerthip by a few men, to Bervility and pauperism such S3 that which afflicted Ireland. He had in bis youth seen peasants flogged for standing on a field svall and turning the fox. Modern writers had laid it down as a noteworthy fact that in a new country the idlest and most cunning would acquire the lauds of tbe State unless watched. It was done by intrigue and without labour, while the tradesman was absorbed in his business, the artisan in his toil. They did not endeavour to pet equal rights for all in purchasing the public estate j they would be serfs to those wbo held the land. Look at the Legislative Council, nominated by the Crown and representing the landed interests and those only, though the people bad no voice in their election. Yet no law could be made or altered without their consent. While he was in England he heard of laws being altered in the Council, and sent down to the Lower House in a form which bad proved injurious to the interest of the Colony as a whole. The Legislative Councillors could resign their seats and get elected for small constituencies and take their seats in the Assembly, even if they were rejected. A representative Governor could call them to the Upper House and put them in the Ministry in spite of the people. They had no chance of getting gond laws while suoh a state of things existed. What right had any class of men to get vast tracts of land by methods whioh the publio could not use, or to work the land lavs so as to obtain special aggrandisement ? Would the people of Auckland stand the system of " gridiconing " there? Then the pyntem of confidentialletter3 had sprung up in the Government. There was no such thing in England, Could any of his audience write to the Minister of Lands treating for 80,000 acres on terms not known to the public ? Such a practice as confidential letterwriting would have to be stopned, as Sir Eobert Feel had stopped it in England. Large blocks of land were now being purchased by private parties over which the public had valid rights. la one case they were going to allow some English gentlemen to acquire from 250,000 to 300,000 acres, conditional on advances being refunded to the extent of LSOOO. He caw by the journals that it was proposed to sacrifice toe education system and impose fresh taxation through the customs to meet the financial difficulty, but such a scheme would greatly injure the country. Under the Counties Act property had an immense preponderance of voting power, and would not scruple to use it. He looked forward to suoh a state of things with apprehension. It was said that the Con* stitution was 27 years old, and tbe Legislative Oounoil a venerable body, and that reforms must be made cautiously in the Constitution. It would take centuries to get their rights if they allowed the present state of affairs to go on. The people had a right to a convention, to prepare their own Constitution, to choose their own destiny. If they were in favour of the American system, that was the way to do , it, and such was their duty to themselves and j the Colony. The hon. gentleman sat down amidst loud cheers.

Mr Samuel Luke proposed and Mr J. T. Boyland seconded the following resolution :— " That the thanks of the meeting be accorded to Sir G-eorge Grey for his able address just delivered, and beg to reassure him of their unabated confidence in him both as representative and leader." The motion was carried by acclamation.

Messrs Tole, Wallis, Harris, Hamlin, Speight, and Swaneon, being called upon, addressed the meeting. Messrs Wallis and Swanson got an indifferent hearing.

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/OW18800515.2.45

Bibliographic details

Otago Witness, Volume 15, Issue 1487, 15 May 1880, Page 13

Word Count
2,608

SIR GEORGE GREY AT AUCKLAND. Otago Witness, Volume 15, Issue 1487, 15 May 1880, Page 13

SIR GEORGE GREY AT AUCKLAND. Otago Witness, Volume 15, Issue 1487, 15 May 1880, Page 13

Help

Log in or create a Papers Past website account

Use your Papers Past website account to correct newspaper text.

By creating and using this account you agree to our terms of use.

Log in with RealMe®

If you’ve used a RealMe login somewhere else, you can use it here too. If you don’t already have a username and password, just click Log in and you can choose to create one.


Log in again to continue your work

Your session has expired.

Log in again with RealMe®


Alert