XIV. —-CONCLUSION.

Otago Witness, Issue 1005, 4 March 1871, Page 18

XIV. — -CONCLUSION.

We have now reviewed the salient features of the existing relations between England and her self- governed colonies, and likewise sketched out the guiding principles of a policy for the future. To have examined the subject in detail would have involved the publication of a thick volume in place of a few short articles ; but enough has been done to show that disunion would, at any rate, prove of very questionable advantage to either England or her colonies, and to make us pause are we

"set bo rich a main

Oa the nice hazard of oae doubtful hoar. " Independence might, indeed, rouae New Zealand into temporary aobivity, but it would be a galvanio movement, as transient as impetuous ; and when the exhila ration had passed off, we should find ourselves in the midst of all the dangers and inconveniences to which a petty State, owning a considerable amount of wealth, is exposed. Continued union with England is not only the best safeguard against these evils, but the most powerful lever by which we can be raised from the debasing pursuit of riches into whioh we are falling. It is not the fear of a sentimental morality to dread the result of Mammon worship, but merely a knowledge of cause and effect. If a nation devote itself too zealously to the acquisition of riches, corruption and the enfeebling of public spirit will follow as necessary consequences. Doubtless the vice is common to all civilised countries, but in Europe it is kept within bounds by restraints which do not press on this colony ; and it would be hard to find any portion of the Continent where so much hqnour is paid to wealth, unaccompanied by intelleot or morality, as is paid in New Zealand. It is highly convenient to ignore these defects in our social life, and to accuse those who lay them bare of pharisaical conceit ; the weak spot may be covered over during ordinary times ; but when the day of trial comes, when the people is called upon to exert every fibre of its manhood, the infirmity will be irremediable, and utter ruin may ensue while we vainly call for outward help. " Quern vocet divum populus ruentis imperi rebus V

By uniting ourselves definitively with England, and recognising that we had certain State duties to perform, our political efforts, instead of wandering as fanoy directs, would be concentrated on one aim, and a healthy national life be kindled in the community. This is the sole elixir which can save us from premature decay ; and we should search for it with the earnestness of a Paracelsus. We cannot 'obtain it by merely disownir g English rule, and calling the colony by another name ; we must share the glories and misfortunes, the passionate hopes and proud designs, of a great people. The truth of the sentiment is recognised throughout the civilised world. Everywhere the unification of peoples is going on. Italy, after centuries of discord, looks up to Victor Emanuel as its common ruler. For many a long year the idea of consolidating the German States was regarded as an empty dream, and the disputes of professors over the respective merits of a Bundenstaat and a Staatenbund as the idle folly of visionaries ; but the idea has now become a living reality. Rising up behind this creation is the great Panslavist movement, which in its embodiment may bring Eastern and Western Europe into fierce conflict. The whole tendency of the age is to consolidate divisions of oae race — not to separate them, living in a remote corner of the globe, we are prone to glide into the belief that we can shut j ourselves out from the rest of mankind and fashion our policy irrespective of foreign countries. We might have been able to do so a hundred years ago ; but in these days, unless we are prepared , to relapse into barbarism, we must keep up with the stream of opinion — strive to lead it, if vre like, but not fall behind. Nay, we are scarcely free agents in the matter. The tide is almost too strong to leave us power of resistance. We can resist if we please, but we shall neverthe- j leas bo swept on, arid may lose the power of choosing our own destiny. Whatever course may be adopted,; a clear understanding ought to"bd'%6mei;o

as speedily as is consistent with a proper consideration pi the subject, in order to settle the minds of the colonists, and enable them to see dearly the path before them. Flushed with the affluence of political youth and liberty, the Australian colonies are trying all sorts of constitutional experiments, without definite aim, or other motive than a vague desire to reach a better state of things. Ai. im- : mense deal of energy is thus wasted, while a restless spirit is being evoked which may ultimately become our evil genius. To control this exuberance of life and direct it upon a single purpose would be in itself a great gain, which becomes trebled when the object sought is magnificent in the highest degree. A statesman could scarcely conceive a nobler ambition than to be the prime agent in firmly consolidating a dominion like that over which Her Majesty now reigns, so as to make it an enduring State, ever waxing in might and intelligence. Including every clime, and owning every kind of production which the earth yields, it would be a world within a world. It is for vs — for New Zealand — to say whether the British Empire shall attain thiß position. We may ask for independence if we choose ; it would no doubt be conceded ; but the withdrawal of New Zealand from allegiance to Enpland would precurse a general breaking up of the Empire.

Chas. W. Purnell.