DUNEDIN, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 1.

Otago Witness, Issue 770, 1 September 1866, Page 11

DUNEDIN, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 1.

The Ministerial Crisis is over, and has not been without its use. It has shown that there are questions on which the majority of the representatives of the various Provinces agree, and that no Ministry, however apparently strong, can safely neglect or attempt to over-ride their opinions. Possibly, Mr Jollie was too blunt and straightforward in blurting out the opinions of the Ministry. A little finesse, and a few plausible sophisms, might, for a while, have staved off the crisis. But figures, when applied to finance, assume the form of an exact science. There is no room for playing with them, especially when it is announced that aJI the share of the spoil that will be given to the provinces amounts to nothing. It was startling to the House when, instead of three-eighths of the Customs' Duties . being as usual allotted, the Treasurer said he could spare nothing from the General Revenue for Provincial purposes, and that the Provinces mu?t depend upon themselves. Expectants, shearing a will read which records the disappointment of their hopes, could not be more dissatisfied than were the members of the House of Representatives at the startling intelligence. There was a murmur, not suppressed, but distinct and loud enough, and that expression of disapprobation was the knell of the administration. Mr Stafford has succeeded in gathering around him supporters in the place of those weak instruments which the crisis has elispliced, and io. announcing the fact to the House he used bland and courteous phrases. The danger of neglecting Provincial interests has been made apparent, and, therefore, he addressed himself to soothing the irri'ation that the neglect of them had caused. He would not pledge the Government to granting a definite proportion of the Customs Revenue to the Provinces. He knew their requirements— that they had entered into engagements for the pro-ecution of public works on the faith of receiving the usual quota of threeeighths — if he starved the Provinces the usual revenue would not be forthco ning. and, therefore, these hungry dependants should rective every consideration from their powerful patron, the General Government — they should have every farthing that could be spared — but how much could be spared he really could not tel 1.

Mr Stafford is a fortunate man. Events like the wind up of a novel fall out exactly at the right time, to fit his purposes. Between Mr Jollies unfortunate exposition of Government Policy and the reconstruction of the Ministry, an extraordinary change has come over the prospects of Native policy, which will enable the Executive to dispense with the proposed addition to the Colonial force. The Reconstructed Ministry, therefore, are able to " see their way to a very considerable " diminution in the amount the House *' would be called on to supply for defence " purposes. The conclusion come to had " been much facilitated by a dispatch re- " ceived from the Imperial Government " within the last forty-eight hour?, to the " effect that under any circumstances the " Home Government intended to leave one *' regiment in the Country," -and the Governor, (Mr Stafford U3ed the information by permission) intends locating the troops where their serviceß are likely to be most

needed. Poor Mr Jollie was in too much baste to make his statement. Had he deferred it but one week, he and Mr Paterson, now set aside as useUes, might still have been enjoying the sweets and emoluments of office. But it must not be forgotten that the fortunate accident to which Mr Stafford owes his bein^ enabled to forego the swamping of the three-eighths of the Customs Revenue in expenditure for Native purposes does not indicate a change of policy. It is that, however, which is wanted. If Separation in financial matters cannot be obtained on account of the sentimentality of preserving the unity of the Colony ; at any rate, Provincial expenditure for Provincial defence against Native aggression may be adopted as a principle. The tone and conduct of the General Government towards the Natives is little likely to conciliate or perpetuate peace. If the Provinces had those to deal with in their immediate neighbourhood disturbances would, most probably, be purely local, and confined to that district ; and the Provinces, allowed to act for themselves, are well able to take care of themselves. But the Government makes general what would otherwise be of email moment. Every year, however, renders the chances of war and insurrection less. Their tribal organisation broken up, impoverished by war, disease, and famine, the Maoris are becoming rapidly thinnea in numbers. On the other hand, the Colonists are increasing in number, wealth and power. Every year adds to their dominion, and to their power over the native tribes. It is vain for them to kick against the pricks. Every thing betokens that the white race has taken possession of the islands, and that time alone is needed to make the whole land theirs. Perhaps the Maori b not fully conscious of this change in his prospects ; but yet there is enough in the aspect of affairs to shew him that resistance to Colonial authority is useless, and that his best chance of continuing to live on his possessions is the maintenance of peace. Yet this state of affairs does not justify the retention of a policy to which the interests of the Siuthern Island are sacrificed. If the Provinces will, they can bound the encroachments of the General Government, but in order to this, they must not allow their representatives unduly to exalt the General above the Provincial Governments, but must compel the confinement of the legislation of the first within defined and specified limits.