THE STATE OF EUROPE.

Otago Witness, Issue 652, 28 May 1864, Page 19

THE STATE OF EUROPE.

(FROM A CORRESPONDENT.)

London, Jklarch24th. Englishmen naturally looked to the meeting of Parliament as likely to bring about some more decisive action on the Danish question; but the deliberations of our legislators have been so hindered and crippled by the tardiness of the Ministers in producing the necessary papers, that the Easter recess has ceme upon us without a single step in advance having been taken. The delays of printing, the objections tobringing negotiations not yet completed under discussion, these and many other excuses have been urged for the tardy revelations of the Government, which, are sufficiently vexatious to the opposition and unsatisfactory and disappointing to all who look eagerly for some solution of. the knotty questions at present in dispute. There can be but little doubt that whatever have been the causes of the delay, it has been purposely planned by the Government to gain time. That their policy should come under discussion while its results remain nil, would put them manifestly at a great disadvantage. Were the Conference but accepted and the plenipotentiaries of the different powers assembled, they could at least point to something achieved, and as "hope springs eternal," it is possible they still look for that most problematic of results. Should the Conference meet, and any " reasonable arrangement of the present war" spring out of it, it would certainly be a triumph for the ministers, and their position would be justified before friends and foes ; but the present unsatisfactory condition of affairs is very trying to the patience of the country, and must be no less so to their own. The " Saturday Review" gives this amusing description of their policy, which, it must be confessed, is but a true picture of the weak and inconsecutive character it at present exhibits to the world : — " We ivish to keep out of the war, and to bring it to an end; and we go on trying to effect this by talking to all the parties irho, however remotely, are interested in the matter. Our own view is that the Treaty of 1852 should be upheld, but no one agrees with ua who has any power of giving effect to an opinion. Nevertheless, our arguments appear to us unanswerable, and are constantly repeated. If this treaty—which France has declared impotent, and which has been completely set aside in, as we think, a most disgraceful manner, by Austria and Prussia- -is to have no further effect, we can form no notion what ought to replace it. We are not prepared to say that the Germans in the Duchies ought to have a foreign Sovereign forced on them, and still less are we prepared to say that a foreign Sovereign ought not to be forced on the Germans in the Duchies. It appears to us much more iniquitous to kill Danes in Jutland than in Schleswig, and it would be infinitely worse still to kill them in Funen or Zealand, but we cannot see either that we ought or ought not to prevent this last stroke oi wrong. At the same time, it is a great comfort to us to have the Channel Fleet in so handy a station as Plymouth, and to feel sure that, although we do not intend to employ it, yet, if we did employ it, we should employ it effectively." While England is laboring at " the ungrateful task of finding bases of reconciliation for those who are determined not td agree," the two armies still confront one another with their respective positions and strength but little changed. The Danes, after establishing themselves at Duppel and in the Island of Alsen, sent as as many of their forces as were not needed for the defence of those, positions to Fredericia, the fort commanding' the entrance to the Little Belt and the approach to the Island of Funen. At this point, in the last war, the Danes inflicted a severe defeat upon their enemies. A small portion of the Danish army retreated towards Jutland, at the same time that the main body of the troops' escaped to Alsen, aud in pursuit of these, the Austrians with some Prussian regiments had advanced as far as Eolding when I last wrote., This town was at first said to be Schleswig, or at least oudebateable ground, but those who entered it knew better ; for on a hill leading into Koldmg from the South, there is an iron post marking tbe boundary between the two countries. There was of course a great outcry against the advance of the Allies into Jutland; and Austria herself, so far from having counselled it raised a protest against it. The Emperor first addressed through his, Minister, Count Richluy, a remonstrance to M. Yon Blsmark against the arbitrary proceedings . of Marshal Wrangel. Bismarck replied, that **for strategic reasons" it bad been found necessary to take possession of Holding. The. Emperor, not satisfied, again protested; this time, it is said, by a personal letter to the King of Prussia, declaring that no Austrian troops could be allowed to remain in Jutland. Upon thiy, General Manteuffel, adjutant general to the King, was dispatched on a mission to Vienna to wt forth the necessity of the advance of

the allied troops, and to prove by true German logic that it was justifiable. What secret communications passed between the Courts of Berlin and Vienna it is impossible to divine, hut the mission was successful, and Austria gave her consent to the advance. Their defence before the world is, that "the Danish order to capture German ships had made the war general, and they now occupy Jutland as a guarantee for future compensation for the captures." On this pretext they have advanced a3 far north as Horseus, the Danish troops being able to make only a show of resistance against the overpower- I ing numbers of the invaders. They made a struggle to retain Gudsor, and one or two other positions before Fredericia, but were driven back, and from the sudden and unexpected nature of the attack, several of their companies were isolated, and either badly handled or made prisoners. At Veile they kept their opponents at bay for four hours, and only when finding themselves in danger of being surrounded^ retreated to Aarhuns, from which port, it is believed, they escaped in some Danish cruisers to the Island of Funen. -The Danes now hold only the stronghold at Fredericia, a point, however, of immense strategic value, and one they will defend like Duppel, to the last. It is only by this port that the Danish islands are kept in communication with the interior of Jutland; since the Austrians and Prussians have occupied all the other places on thecoast Flensburgli, Apenrade, Hadersleben, and Holding. The fort' has been greatly strengthened since the time when the Danes held it so gallantly in 1848 ; and a correspondent writing on the spot says : — "Few place 3 are better calculated to offer a stubborn resistance to superior forces than Fredericia has now been made to be." I The Austrians are now preparing to storm lit, and one cannot but tremble for the little fortress and its brave defenders, so terribly overmatched by their foes, both in numbers and resources. The siege of Duppel has really only just commenced. To the great marvel of the Danes, the Prussians have made a long pause before attempting its reduction; and, however unexpected, they have found the respite extremely valuable. They have been "adding bastion to bastion and trench upon trench, to make assurance doubly j sure," and are far better prepared now to make a more fierce and desperate resistance j than they would have been if the at- 1 tack had been made at once. All sorts of reasons have of course been assigned for the delay; and the minor German States, who have been made to eat, humble pie, and are consequently out of humor with themselves, Austria and Prussia, Denmark, and the world in general, have been crying out " treachery. " But the simple fact eeems to have been that Prince Frederic Charles felt he had no chance of success while the troops who were to lead the assault were, exposed to the fire of the Danish frigates in the Venningbund, and he accordingly telegraphed to Berlin for some heavy guns that would clear the Bay of these troublesome vessels. Presently we heard news of a siege train passing through Hamburg, conveying 50 mortars and 3000 projectiles of a calibre varying from 2H lb to 65 lb. With these terrible engines of mischief, he is now attacking the Danish position, and any day or hour may. bring us unfortunate news. The last accounts report the bombardment of Sonderburg, in the island of Alsen, at a distance oi 2^ miles. Even German sympathies think this bombardment brutal and unnecessary, made without notice or any legitimate object ; but it is useless to draw nice distinctions of right and wrong where i all acts are those of cruel and wanton aggression. Duppel is a very strong position, and has some natural advantages that Fredericia lacks. It consists of a range of small hills, on each of which batteries are mounted that command the whole of the surrounding country. How long these can be worked in the face of the semicircle of \fire now opposed to them, is doubtful; but even if they were taken, the work of the invaders would not end there. The ground on the other side down to the Alscn Sound is an excessively deep descent and is commanded by Danish butteries at the waterside ; then there are two strong "tetesde pom," both of which must be taken if the Sound is to be crossed, and the *fire from these may be supported by batteries on the opposite shore, and gun-boats in the eh' annel. Fortunately for the Danes, their position is one that can be effectively manned by a small force, and the narrow approach to their island oi refuge can be defended by much smaller numbers than will be required to take it. The allies, however,- are not likely to risk a defeat, and unless the friends of Denmark come to her help, or diplomacy arrests the tide of this unrighteous and unequal. war, it is to be feared the bravery and devotion of the Danes will not suffice to save their cause ; and if Duppel is taken—what then? It is impossible to predict. lam disposed to side with n writer who says, "There is no man in Schleswig-Holstein, no man in Prussia, Austria, or the minor German

States, who clearly knowa what he is striving at, or what would answer hia purpose best. A vague instinct prompts almost all parties to give mischief full swing, that time may show what will come out of it all ; what chances each may have to fish in water all have contributed to trouble. If Schleswig-Holstein ever comes back to Denmark its present occupants will take care it shall be so fully disorganised and subverted that Denmark herself will find it hardly worth having." And this brings me to notice the condition of Schleswig. A country overrun with foreign troops can never be in an enviable condition, but when to this is added anarchy and confusion of every kind, from the uprooting of one order of things before another has been planned or provided, you can imagine the disorganised and troubled state of Schleswig. Everything, says a correspondent, is " provisional, arbitrary, and contradictory, and what was done yes'"rrJay is sure to be undone to-day." In Iloistein affairs are not so bad, for as that province was governed by the Danes through the instrumentality of native officers, there was no need to distrust the existing order of things. But ia Schleswig, where the Government officers were either Danes or persons attached to Danish interests, the advance of the Germans wrought everywhere social disturbance. " The Schleswig- Holsteiners," says another correspondent, " were anxious to be united to Germany, but they are not a little astonished at having drawn three Germanics round their neck." The SchleswigHolstein Association, or " Committees of Public Welfare," formed chiefly of;the Germans in the Duchies, got up a demonstration in favor of the Duke of Augustenberg, under the protection of the AustroPrussian army. The allies, however, soon resisted their determination to discourage all such revolutionary measures, and to establish their own. They have forbidden the use of the Danish language ; proclaimed Danish money no longer a legal tender ; suppressed some of the Danish newspapers, and compelled the " Flensburger Zeitung" to publish Copenhagen news under the head of " foreign intelligence ;" and finally have struck at the heart of the Danish national pride by destroying the Dannewerke. All this they have done in a country which they cannot pretend to call German even in sympathy. In the southern part of Schleswig the German element no doubt prevails, but no one pretends to deny that from Flensburg northwards the population is almost purely Danish. The popular feeling in Sweden is so strongly in favor of Denmark, that in Stockholm there has been quite a riotous demonstration against the inaction of the Government. Swedish volunteers to the Danish army are said to be numerous, and they are chiefly men who have already served in the Swedish army, and are therefore able at once to enter the ranks either as privates or non-commissioned officers. General de Meza has been made the scape-goat to appease the indignation of the Danes against the evacuation of the Dannewerke. He has been formally deposed from his office of Commander-in-Caief to the Danish army, and General Gerlacb has been appointed his successor, on the ground that being absent from the Council of, War, that decided UDon the retreat, he had no participation in the " cowardly" decision. The King, more wise than his people, stood by -his officer- and - defended his policy;. but the ministers found it necessary to yield to the popular voice. The Rigsdag is again closed, with a speech from the throne, , that .reads, very pathetically ia spite of its, courage. "We are still alone, said the .King," andfdo not know how long Europewill 1 look with indifference upon the acts of violence perpetrated against us. .We are ready to do everything that may serve to obtain peace ;' but the enemy must know that- the period is still distant when we shall be compelled to submit to a humiliating peace. This is the King's "farewell to you." The King is now in Alsen with the army. The sudden death of the King of Bavaria, at this crisis in the affairs of Germany, is an important event. Of all the minor Sovereigns, he was the moat energetic and capable," and he threw all his influence into the present popular German movement. His last act was to urge upon the Diet the. recognition of the Duke of Augustenburg. From his force of character, and his sympathy with the wishes of his people, he both led them and held them in cheek, and his loss, as one of the leaders of the "party of action," must be seriously felt. Already the attitude of the Government of the minor States is represented as being more pacific ; but then the question arises, 4 'if the, Government will not be forward, will the people be restrained? 1 ' They have let loose, aud fostered the popular feeling, and throughout the length and breadth of Germany the heart of the {people is stirred. Even in the remote villages, meetings in favor ot^the cause, of " nationality- are held, Will all this pasg away and subside like a cloud of German smoke, or will the patty German tyrants tremble and fall

before the^ cry of national liberty they have themselves raised ? Maximilian of Bavaria was the brother of Otho, the exKing of Greece, and the son of that King Louis of Bavaria who, by his love for the fine arts, made Muninh " the Museum of Europe," and then scandalised his country and people by his connection with' Lola Montes. Louis 11., son of the late King, who now succeeds to the throne, "is only 18 years of age. ■ In spite~ of a mission, undertaken by the Archduke Albrecht of Austria, to the Court of Munich, the young King is said to have already received the representative of the Duke of Augustenburg. We may, therefore, suppose either that he is made the tool of his Minister, or that he inherits his father's predilections without his prudence. Another Sovereign of the south of Germany, the king of Wurtenburg, is not expected to live. He is eighty-two years of age. It has been said, and .no doubt | thought, lately, that "the Polish question was buried beneath the protocols of the Dano-German conflict," but a sudden revelation has been made which seems to prove the existence of a subtle relation between the two. "The Polish question," says "La Patrie, "has never ceased to bear on the deliberations of Austria and Prussia." For a time Austria seemed to have joined herself to the Western Powers, and 'to be sincere in condemning with them the cruelty and oppression of Russia in Poland. Her policy, however, is' now considered as far from being AngloFrench. ' It is clear it has never ceased to be Prusso-Russian. Galicia is declared ito be in a state of seige, and the two rival powers united on the * banks of the Elbe, no longer hesitate to join in one policy with Russia on the banks of the Vistula. Since Prussia signed the "convention of the Bth of February, she.has been virtually joined with Russia in crushing the Poles, but Austria has made a semblance of holding aloof,— has perhaps been sincerely inclined to detach herself from her reactionary allies : but the force of affinity has proved tod strong, and whether there be truth or not m the rumored renewal of the Holy Alliance, it is certain that the Three Powers who partitioned Poland are now united >ip the effort to suppress and extinguish the struggling flame of Polish "national life. Tie Imperial manifesto, proclaiming the state of siege, leaves a terrible'picture of the state of the people ia Gallicia, but there seems to be as good evidence to prove that Russian agents have been at work to originate and then expose political intrigues, as that genuine Polish patriotism, stimulated by the secret agency of the National Government has been working an underhand revolution: -The Poles in Galicia have long aided and sheltered the insurgents, and this has no doubt been a serious grievance- to Russia ; but hitherto Austria has held aloof from amy complicity with Russian policy in Poland. It is possible, however* that Austria's own move in the cause pf German nationality, has, together with the return of spring, stimulated the Polish national movement and developed into greater prominence any disturbance and disloyalty which may exist Yin Galicia. The « Times" say*-" Galicia has become but a province of the National Government of Warsaw ;H; H that " very large pjreparations for war have been made |" that _•' armed bands are ready "to 1 "rise! at the first signal, their leaders appointed, their , arms hidden, and an* insurrection ; ready 'to begin at any hour." That paper attributesthe movement to the'RedorDeiiibbra'tic ; party, who have, now the lead ih Poland, and who "believe that insurrection "oh a Mttall scale must Be a Mure-; that the Russian Government has been Successful the movement- wasVonfirieAJo.the narrow limits of a province, and tha>the only way%to/ revive thel struggle' with itresh energy is" to] extend "it dyerithe Whole . country^ whichr the 1 ? most ardent patriot can call PoSsrid.'? &&Bur 4t r 4t ft^ould seem to be very suicidal poticfoftnlP^leß to compel another powerftiVnatJon^rise up to crush/them* and bTsid4BVe"havethe l express statement of the Sfatibnap Government itself that, only RuaSia^couid desire an insurrection in Gallicia at fhe^p'reselit time; ;JDhe Pole* hav^aUtey* ; aUowtf^a certauLinethodin their- raadtteifc, ifoU T&re ia a proclamation at- their < oWiJ National Government repudiating the^ehlrge" off stirring up the world against Austria. " DEPABTMSaX 'dip T^HNATfIOJfAL ' G6VEBNMENT TOR National GovernW&it'has .cleVly/ defined the position of Gallicia as a province giving aid in the war again^ Russia. The dilltorineas and terrors of some,^ttd the follies of others, ;-. have" facilitated ' : the spfead l of .reports of an farmed ihsUrr&Jtidn against Austria; An insurrection against Austria, under present circurastßtice^, could only be wished- fctf by*R&lata;&F<Bv the partisans of auarchy; w a»;d by flatter , only because they , act iii ofposreiofrirdiYße will of' the'NatihuilTtoer^ifn^M&^ avocatipniof thesis Sag6fea|a :&m|#ibo"rtunelyjto justify the canai&i pfcihV &T-. r tmu organs. The iadjffQVepfr-clrpf&tpjfsW' news ana cowards of ; a"fe#^;|nhal)i^f^

strengthen the party, which only inspires them with terror. The above-named department, of the National Government, strong enough not to deviate by a single step from the course laid down for it both by the National Government and its own conviction, declares all efforts tending «o provoke an armed insurrection against Austria, to be acts of high treason, and that it will proceed against the offenders with all the severity of the law. " Feb. 14, 1864." l Thus all things tend to shew that the policy of Austria in Galicia is the result of a better understanding and closer alliance with j Russia; and if the shadows that already] appear may be accepted as the signs of coming events, Austria will probably stand in need of good allies. Venetia is only kept quiet by the presence of 360,000 soldiers, and Hungary — poor, faminestricken Hungary— has already lifted her voice. Italy ia stirred to her very heart : but before entering upon her condition, 1 1 must give one more glance to Poland. While Russia is making great preparations for a final struggle with the insureents, they, on their part, are makinsr a superhuman effort to resist. The activity shown in the formation of new detachments, who are equipped with arms which have been hidden in various places during the winter, proves that there is still much vitality in the insurrectionary moyement, The Russians seem to have adopted a new plan of operation, and their efforts will be directed towards driving the insurrectionary bands to the centre of the Kingdom of Poland, in order " to crush them under the walls of the citadel of Warsaw." To effect this, large bodies of troops are being stationed on the Austro-Prussian frontiers, and the Russians believe that the insurrection, weakened by the proclamation of the state of siege in Galicia, and by the stoppage of the supply of arms, ammunition, and volunteers, which used to come from that province, will not be able to withstand this last grand effort to suppress it. In the midst of these preparations, a Ukase of the Czar orders a complete and thorough emancipation of the peasants in Poland. On the 15th of April every Polish peasant is to become the possessor of all the land, and the buildings upon it, which he ha 9 hitherto only held from the lord of the manor to cultivate. The peasant has only to pay a small sum to the Government, which will be given to the landlords as compensation. The peasants are no longer to be bound in any way to the landholders, hut to be subject only to the State and its laws. There canbelittledoubtthattheobject of this measure is to introduce another element of discord into the ranks of the enemies of the Czar. It is a similar measure to Mr Lincoln's ' famous Emancipation proclamation, and its aim, like that, is to set the servants against their masters. But both acts will live when their masters are forgotten ; and we may rejoice that the Hand which is always laboring to bring good out of evil, is working "deliverance to the captives" out of the terrible discords and disorder of the age in which we live. A Special Commission has already arrived at Warsaw to carry out the decree of the Czar. A German paper the " Yolks Zeituug," commenting on this measure says : "In our opinion this liberty is a victory of progress even should Polish nationality t>e extinguished thereby. Even those who believe a national existence to be indispensable for liberal development must acknowledge this to be a great act. According to their way of thinking, it ought to he a test of Poland. If the Polish peasants are really so enthusiastic for their national independence, the cause of Poland will gain a great deal by the population being liberated. If this social revolution, however, lead to junction with Bussia, it will show that Polish nationality is not to be saved ; for a nation which is killed by liberation cannot be possessed of vitality." - But to return to Italy. A measure of another kind, but perhaps equal importance, challenges attention there. The Turin Chamber has been startled by the introduction of a Bill by the King's Minister of Justice, for "the suppression of religions corporations, and the revised administration of ecclesiastical revenues.*' The Bill proposes the abolition of "all the houses of the religious orders, of the regular and secular fraternities, and of the chapters of collegiate churches, except such' as are so connected with the. national history that they are excepted by Royal decree as historical abbacies; and benefices to which no cure of of souls is attached are to be done away with, and, in fine, all the perpetual foundations of an ecclesiastical character along with the semi-laic societies and succursals which come under the category of ecclesiastical." To provide for the monks and laici whose houses are suppressed, pensions are, according to the Bill, to be provided by the Government. Nuns are still to be permitted to reside in convents, but their number must not be increased; and as it diminishes, the inmates of two or three nunneries are to be drafted into one. All the property of the houses and orders to

be suppressed is to revert to the Government, and to form a furvl for national worship. "It is calculated," says the ''Telegraph," that the sum thus transferred from hands which only use it for languid liturgies and intrigues against Italy, will amount to more than seventy-two million livre, and as this is taken from lists furnished by the religious houses, and not at all likely on that account to be veracious, the Minister of Justice expects that a far greater balance may be capitalised for healthy employment in religious ways, and for the foundation of institutions really useful for charity and piety." Such a measure for Italy seems almost like a dream. Henry the VIII. abolished 645 religious houses in England, thus purging our land of many nests of iniquity, and delivering it from the curse of a foetid piety. Tfiis hill would abolish not less than 2,382 such houses in Italy, as well as transform others into centres of learning and charity. Its importance can hardly be overrated, and that Italy has advanced so far as to make such a measure possible and probable, is the best proof of the progress in which all her friends rejoice — and while her statesmen are extending and confirming her liberty, she is buckling on her armour to strike' another blow for unity. Those who look calmly on are afraid that the necessities of her position may urge her into a step which may prove to he premature. It is certain that her present military position cannot be maintained. Her army, which is a heavy drain on the resources of the country, must be either employed or reduced ; and in the impetuosity of youthful confidence, she is more likely to risk an unequal struggle than to relinquish her grand idea. , The Pope has been ill, severely so, with gastric fever, and erysipelas in the Irg. He is, however, said to be recovering. One cannot but think that his doctor might chanse the aspect of affairs very materially. If Napoleon were to make it the opportunity for a dignified withdrawal of the French troops from Rome, one at least of the Italian difficulties would be removed, and the nation would move on with a bolder step to " the goal of geographical j completion." The trial at Naples of the notorious brigands, Cipriano la Gala and his associates, seized on board the'Nemis, a French steamer, in the port of Genoa, and afterwards given up by the French to the Italian authorities, has lately excited great attention, chiefly because of the horrible deeds it has brought to light. Anything more viciously and wantonly cruel than the practices of these wretches, cannot be imagined. And as a proof of the authority under which they have perpetrated their deeds of wickedness, a receipt was produced at the trial, which had been given by the chiefs in acknowledgement of the sum of 3,500 ducats, which they had accepted as a ransom for two priests, who were now principal witnesses against them. c 'We, Giona and Cepriano La Gala," says this document, " declare that we have received the sum of 3,500 ducats from the Captains Pasquali and Giacomo j Vascusi, and the object for which we have demanded this money, is the support of the troops in defence of Francis 11., and when he shall return to Naples the said | Vascusi shall be repaid." "Gentlemen?" exclaimed the President when this paper was read, "It is well that all Europe should know who are the defenders of Francis H., and of divine right." King Bomba is destined to lose at least two of his faithful vassals, for the leaders of the band were unhesitatingly condemned to death. Paris was busy when I last wrote with the trial of the Italians, who were said to have plotted against the Emperor's life. These are many who yet believe that plot to have been a sham got up to meet a political difficulty. "We have not the least doubt," says a Berlin paper, v that the police agents in Paris have everything ready evety day to get up such a farce whenever one may bo required." It is certain that the discovery of the pldt excited both Napoleon and his devoted people marvellously little ; but things held together very well on the trial, and had a look of reality. The former connection of Greco,' the chief conspirator, with Mazzini, was proved by letters and a photograph found upon him ; and the fact that one of these letters contained instructions to apply for money to a " Mr Flower, 25 Thurlow-sq., Brompton," hasgfren more prominence and interest to this trial than it would otherwise have had. M. Cardonen, the Procureur General, on consulting a directory, found to his " surprise and regret" that the address given was that of a member of the British Government. This statement was, of course, taken notice of by our own Parliament, and partly from Mr Stansfield's want of openness about the matter at the first (for the address proved to be his), but chiefly from the necessities of the opposition, has made a very great fuss. The explanation of the matter, which is not very creditable to Mr Stansfield's prudence, is, that being a warm friend of Mazzini's, he

allowed iii;:i ti» make use of his address, and to have letters sent to him there under an assumed name. No one believes either tha', Mr. Stansfield or Mr. Mazzini had anything to do with the scheme to assassinate the Emperor ; and even Napoleon himself is reported to have said, when he beard that the police had tried to implicate Mazzini " les ivibeciles," but the circumstance which ought certainly never to have occurred, of Greco having the address of Mr Stansfield's residence in his pocket, has given occasion for much spiteful comment both in France and England. The Italian National Society forwarded an address to the Emperor, on the occasion of the conspiracy, disclaiming all connection with, or toleration for, such acts. In his reply, Napoleon said : " Such attempts cannot change my sentiments towards your country. I shall always prize the honor of having contributed to its independence." Another address, to which his Imperial M.ijesty has vouchsafed a gracious reply, has been sent to him by the members of tha English Peace Society, complimenting him upon having taken the initiative in the cause of Peace by his proposal of a Congress. The Emperor assures these worthy memorialists that he is working towards the same end as themselves, and the expression of their sentiments touches him aU the more, because their society, occupying itself with an enlightened zeal with the means of maintaining the general peace, is on that account better able to appreciate his constant solicitude, &c, &c. The " Times" administers a sharp philippic to this "meddlesome fraternity," for comiug forward with their usual infelicity " to compliment a foreign prince and direct their inuendocs against their own people just at a time and on a question most unfit of all : the main and indeed the only ground on which England rejected the late Congress being, that in all probability it would lead to war." A sort of manifesto has appeared in Paris bigned by a number of working men, complaining that they are not properly represented in the Legislative Chamber ; that not one of the deputies takes the trouble to plead their cause and expound and support their interests; and demanding that Paris, which has been called the " head and brain of France," shall have among iis representatives at least two operatives. This singular movement is causing some uneasiness in France. A correspondent says :— " The operatives of other large cities may follow the example set them in Paris, and the rural districts, jealous of the pretensions of the cities, will probably, when the opportunity offers, elect agriculturists to counteract the influence of the towns, and we may yet ace working mechanics and field laborers legislating in virtue of universal suffrage, for a nation which claims to be the most refined on earth. How they can be prevented," he continues, " I do not see. It is the the boast of the Empire that it reposes on a wider basis than any preceding Government, and that universal suffrage and the will of the masses are its best guarantee. Time only can tell whether the masses will always be disposed to turn the power they possess to the advantage of their rulers." No class in Paris just now seems very loyal to its Imperial master, if we may judge from the overwhelming majorities by which two opposition candidates have just been returned. The French Court has lately been doing honor to the Archduke Maximilian and the Arcb.ducb.es3 Charlotte, who have been paying visits to Brussels, London and Paris. The Emperor and Empress have received their Mexican Majesties with great distinction. A Paris letter says : — "The Archduke takes every occasion to express admiration for the Emperor, whom he looks upon as the highest intelligence in the world; and His Majesty, on the other hand, thinks that with time His Imperial Highness will come up to his own standard." By what art the writer of this unlocks the secrets of the Imperial bosom as well as those of the Court, I am not prepared .to say. , I know, that. some. correBpondeatS77though of course not' your's — find convenient to evolve many tacts from their own consciousness. What is more important is the fact that the Emperor has consented, if we may believe the " Memorial Diplomatique," to make the "Archduke Commander-in-Chief of the French troops in Mexico. The Archduke has himself also, we are told, agreed to a concession, which will at least insure his new Empire the dubious blessing of a national debt, as he is to recognise a debt of 230,000,000 francs. Another distinguished visitor at the French Court lately has been the Duke of Saxe-Coburg. There is no doubt some deep political significance in this visit, hut at present all we are permitted to see is the courtly courtesy with which the Emperor receives all his guests, of whatever rank. King Leopold, of Belgium, is now on a visit to our Queen at Windsor, and his daughter the Archduchess Charlotte paid her final adieu to him at Buckingham Palace, before leaving for Trieste, whence,

it is said, she will embark with her husband about the 30th, for Mexico. Our own Court has been somewhat gay lately, speaking of course in comparison with its late seclusion. The Royal Christening took place in the private chapel at Buckingham Palace on the 10th, and formed a happy celebration of the marriage day. The infant Prince, who protested very loudly against the whole proceeding, was named Albert Victor Christian Edward. The principal sponsors, were the Qneen, the King of the Belgians, and the King of Denmark, the latter being represented at the ceremony by his brother Prince John of Grlucksburg, "one who bears the name of Albert Victor," says the "Guardian," "sustains a weight of national expectation, and carries with him a j memorial of excellence, who may well study his footsteps, and stimulate his emulation." It was a wise thought to give the little Prince the name of his lamented grandfather, for that very name alone bespeaks for him the nation's love. We can but hope and pray that the virtues of his grandsire will be reflected in him, and that when the battle of his life is ended his own name may be his truest epitaph — AlbertVictor.

The following paragraph i 9 taken from the " Scotsman" of February 29th :-— A large circle of friends would observe with regret among our obituary notices on Saturday, aa announcement of the death of the well-known citizen, Mr Hugh Paton, whichjook place at his residence, the Tower, Portobello, on Friday evening, 26ch February. For the last two years, Mr Paton bad been suffering from a bronchial complaint, which,- though' not subjecting him to very close confinement, prevented him taking that share in business public as well as private, to which he bad always hitherto b'e«n accustomed. It was only on Thursday, tho day before his dsath, that any^ immediate danger was apprehended, and on that day ha relapsed into a partial state ot unconsciousness from which he never recovered. Mr Patou has carried on business in Edinburgh for upwards of thirty years, originally as a carver and gilder, but to these branhces of trade he subsequently added several others, including publishing, printing, print selling, &c, and he has been for many years past contractor foir the advertising at most of the Scotch railway stations. Under the old municipal arrangement he held for several years the office of Magistrate of Easter Portsburgh, and he subsequently sat for six years as a Commissioner of Police. At the conclusion of that period, he was entertained at a public dinner by a large number of his friends and admirers. For some years past he has resided in Portobello, where he held till within a short period of his death the office of senior Magistrate. Mr Paton was one of the original promoters of the Society lor the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals, and acted as its treasurer till the state of his health compelled him to with- ; draw ; he was also a director of the Natipnal I Security Savings' Bank, and of the Maternity Hospital. He was the first tradesman, who received an appointment under the present reign, he having been made carver and gilder to the Queen shortly after her accession to the throne ; and he also afterwards was appointed Io the honorary office of Secretary to Her Majesty's Household for Scotland. Kay's Edinburgh portraits, Geikie's etchings Wilson's " Memorials of Edinburgh," and many other valuable works, were issued from he press of Mr Paton, whose persevering researches in collecting and arranging material to illustrate the quaint drawings in the former work have always been warmly acknowledged. His spacious picture galleries in connection with, his business premises in Princes-street have for a long time attracted the attention of parties interested in, the Fine Arts, and many of the works ot our greatest British painters have there been exhibited. Though necessarily brought a great deal in contact with public men, Mr. Paton's habits were essentially domestic, and it is only those who have seen him frequently in the midst of his large family circle who can fully estimate his kindly and genial nature. Like moat Ayrshire men, he clang with almost childish tenacity to associations connected with his native county ; and?hi» long residence in Edinburgh latterly seemed only .to intensify this fondness. He was a lineal descendant of the celebrated Covenanter, {Qaj)^an,P^ton,.of,iSfeadbw8106,4^ Ayrshire, who looking a leading part in the battle* ; of Pentlaud and BothweU Bridge/ for. which he was executed in the Graßsmarket, and whose life furnished Sir Walter Scott with a portion of the niaterial for " Old Mortality," as he acknowledges in • several of his notes to that work. Mr Paton had in his possession many valuable relics, associated with Captain Paton, including his ! sword— described in the "Scots Worthies'?— and bible, both of which were exhibited here at the recent bi-centenary celebration of the Reformation. Mr .Paton had a large circle of friends whom he always cordially welcomed around him even in his impaired health^and his removal before he had reached hisftftyninth year will be very widely and deeply regretted.' The Wanganni correspondent of the "New Zealand Advertiser" states that daring the late fight between the loyal and' rebel natives, the skull of Captain Lloyd is supposed to have been lost, The history which has been told about this is something horrible. While Mr Booth was detained* the, skull was .used as a drinking caiibash by, the old hags of thejribe, who were using it as a, charm; the brains having been previously eaten by Matene, the leader of the fanatical wretches. .