THE NATIVE QUESTION.

Otago Witness, Issue 620, 16 October 1863, Page 2

THE NATIVE QUESTION.

[From the Otago Daily Times, Oat. 12.] The opinion is expressed by some of the Colonial journals, that the first decisive blow iuflicted by General Cameron on the Waikatos will be the signal for a reactionary movement j by the clerical and philo-Maori parties in favor of the Native race. It seems to be doubted whether defeat will bring about the submission of the insurgent tribes, and it h considered that an effort will be made to accomplish a compromise by which the direful effects^ of continued war may be averted irom the Natives. It is supposed that after the power of the Government has made itself felt in one or two decisive actions, the willingness to make an arrangement wiil be free from the construction beiijg placed on peaceful overtures which the Natives have ascribed to former truces. If something of the kind be not done, we are told, the war will drag on to an indefinite period, and terminate only in the subjugation by force of arms of every tribe in the island — the confiscation of every acre of Native land, and, in short, the virtual blotting out of the aboriginal population. There is much in these arguments which recommends them to the humane instincts of the colonists, — and they wiil no doubt find exponents and adherents in England. Similar principles have actuated the line of conduct which for many years characterised the administration of Native Government in New Zealand. Care for the Natives, anxiou3 protection of their real or supposed right 3 and privileges, and fear of outraging their prejudices and national Heas have for many years formed the key to the policy of the Government. Iv the history of no previous colony where there was a large Native population, can be found in the policy of the dominant power so much consideration for the aboriginal race. The moat favorable opportunities have since the foundation of the colony beea afforded for the operations of Missionary enterprise. Possessing no serious preconceived religious prejudices — no deep-rooted idolatry, the Maoris eagerly embraced the doctrines of Christianity, and nominally at least the religion of the Missionaries has become the only creed of the whole Native population. What more could have been done to establish lasting peace and union between the two races? And yet what is the position now ? We are not going to attempt to trace step by step the circumstances -which have brought about the present struggle. It is easy to ascribe to one or two leading questions the direct cause of ~~tfce-c2siotMjg -troubles: lmtjwejnus.tjjo further back for the real elemeut of destruction." it is not this or that dispute which has destroyed the peaceful relations of the European and Native races, although they have perhaps given a form to the silent and unsuspected antagonism that has for years been growing in the Native mind. The fact is, the whole scheme of Native Government was from the first a mistake — an experiment based upon the most humane and righteous principles, but nevertheless a mistake as applied to the peculiar circumstances of the Maori people. Abstractedly no Government is so secure as that of a nation whose people obey its law 3 more from a feeling of inborn respect for them than from a fear of their penalties. But a people does not reach this position except through centuries of moral and political education. The natural essence of authority is power,— be it moral, intellectual or physical. As applied to the English people, all these elements of power have for ages .been working out that respect for and obedience to tbe laws which has become an instinct with Englishmen. The laws embody the labors of the best and wisest of the nation, and tbe exigencies of tipie have created their own requiremeats. ■ To apply to a race of savages the moral a~9 separated from the physical element of authority ■was a noble experiment. But it was an experiment of which Aye are now reaping the fruits. Rapidly as the Maoris seized the tenets of Christianity, and remarkable as was the aptitude they betrayed for certain principles of law, they had for ages recognised but one principle of authority amongst themselves — the power of might. There is no doubt that at the first outsefc of the English colonization of New Zealand the Natives had a vague idea of the superior might of the Europeans. There are many circumstancea connected with the early history of the colony to prove that this feeling of respect existed. Had the obligations ofthe treaty of. Waitangi been rigidly enforced from the first— had the first outrage on the laws which the natives themselves professed to recognise been 3ternly punished, there would probably never have been any serious disputes between the two races. But this was not done ; the authority of the law was seldom or at best very ineffectually exerted, and the consequence ■was a disbelief of its power and contempt for the Government from which that law emanated. This process of disbelief has been going on for years, every now and then making its existence felt, and with no attempt to check its operation. Occasionally sparks would fly up Irom the lurking embers of distrust and disaffectiononly to be carefully covered up by concessions and conciliations. The fire remained spreading silently and steadily under its covering,— until something — the Waitara dispute for example—suddenly kicked off the surface and admitting air to the glowing mass, it burst forth into flame. This smouldering antagonism has now again blazed forth, and this time embracing wider limits than before. At the last war the Government contented itself as on previous occasions with covering it up. This time every ember must be extinguished. The power of the native? must be thoroughly and completely destroyed. We are not called ou to destroy the Natives themselves to effect this result. One or two crushing defeats on the Waikato will not do this, although they would prepare the way. The power oi the Natives must be attacked in detail. Looking to the desired end— the firm establishment of t~e power of the Government— every obstacle in the way must be removed. First place the heel of authority on the iusurgent tribes—euviron them with military settlements—intersect their territories with roads, and at least render them harmless, aud then wiil be the time to consider plans for their welfare. The treaty of Waitangi has been often quoted for and against the Natives. It is doubtless, an imperfect treaty on which to base the government of the Natives. Virtually it has been broken over and over again. Theoretically, the Natives are regarded as British subjects, practically they have been treated less as subjects than as allies. The whole scheme of Native Government has been an anomaly. The future policy of the Government must be based on a clearly defined foundation. We must •tart fairly with the assumption that every Native of the Colony is de facto a subject of Her Majesty. Undoubtedly we shall have to accommodate the administration of Native Government, to the peculiar circumstances and character of the Maoris, but one principle must pervade the governruentof both Natives and Europeans—obedience. Once establish tbe" paramount influence of legitimate authority, and the details of government become easy ; but unle3s that is accomplished, the work of legislation will be constantly interrupted. Whilst advocating the most vigorous raea«* fiiu-es against the insurgent tribes, we are not ot those who would desire to see the Maoris blotted out from the face of the earth, lhe Maoris are undoubtedly a fine race eauowed with many rare and valuable qualities Ju.hcious treatment and enlightened government might have raised them to a position unequalled m tht history of modern colonisation but the very peculiarity of their character has proved the greatest obstacle to the success

of the policy which has been brought to bear on them. If the race is to be spared — if the remnant of the once populous tribes of >7ew Zealand is to be preserved— if v,e would desire to see created from it a lasting monument of the elevating and humanising influences of civilisation, the strong hand of power mu9t not be witheld until the authority of the law common alike to European.* and Natives ia firmly established and universally recognised. When that is^ done, it will be time to give play to that spirit of conciliation which may then be safely exercised. The first principles of law established, the details of Goverment can be easily adapted to the peculiar character and ideas of the Natives. Then may we, with some show of reason, admit the Maori race to a voice in the Legislature of the colony, and the enthusiastic dream of Mr Fitzgerald may to some extent be realised.