GENERAL SUMMARY.

Otago Witness, Issue 419, 10 December 1859, Page 2

GENERAL SUMMARY.

The intelligence brought to England by the last Indian mail of disturbances in the FtWJjaub, of further disaffection amongst the European troops, and of the renewal of hostilities in China, lias awakened an anxious and painful interest. The Chinese news has created a profound sensation, and the moment it was received communications were opened between the French and English Governments with a view to the arrangement of measures to be taken in concert for the punishment of the Mongols, who, be their explanation of their perfidy what it may, have clearly violated the treaty, No time has been lost in deciding Upon our future course. The Cabinets of Versailles and St. James's are in thorough accord as to the necessity of exacting ample retribution^ for the unparalleled treachery of the Chinese ; and active preparations have been already commenced for despatching additional steam frigates and corvettes, together with sailing frigates to augment the squadron now in the Chinese waters. At least 1000 additional marines will be at once despatched to China. A Cabinet Council was held the day before yesterday, at which, it is understood, the requisite arrangements forco-operating with our gallant allies were discussed and settled. We may calculate also on the sympathies, if not upon the active support of the Americans, who showed such generous solicitude for our wounded men after the disastrous conflict on the Peiho. Of the result of these combined efforts, no reasonable doubt can be ascertained. The Mongols are evidently ably officered, and there seems to be good reason to suspect that Russian skill is at work behind the curtain ; but it will go hard if the French and English who crashed the Russians in Sebastopol cannot maintain their ascendancy on the route to Pekin.

Whatever anxiety has been felt in the Colonies on the subject of danger from without, may now be dismissed — at all events for the present. We have never believed in the existence of any serious design on the part of the Emperor of the French against England or her dependencies ; although we have always felt that the course he was taking in other respects might ultimately force him on, like a swollen stream, to issues beyond his original intentions or real desires, and, therefore, we have urged the expediency of keeping up our defences. Not alone, however, on that account has the strengthening of our coasts appeared indispensable to us, but because we had hitherto utterly neglected them, and left them completely exposed to the mercy of any contingency that might arise. The same prudential view applies with equal force to the colonies. The present interval of perfect security offers the most available, and least objectionable opportunity for providing against the possible dangers of the future. We are well aware that the Australian colonies have not been indifferent to this important consideration ; and our only motive for touching upon it here is, to guard them against being lulled into a false security by the re-establish-ment of peace, and the continued evidences of amity between England and her allies.

The situation of affairs in Italy is not materially altered since our last. Tuscany and the Duchies of Modena and Parma have had their elections, which were conducted with exemplary moderation and tranquility, have established their constitutional assemblies, and have severally voted the final expulsion of their respective dynasties, and the annexation of their *oil to the kingdom of Sardinia. In furtherance of these views, and for the purpose of giving them practical effect, deputations from those States have waited upon the King at Turin, to present the resolutions of their several governments. Their reception in Turin was an ovation, and the enthusiasm of the people marked the common sentiment which now pervades the whole of Italy ; a sentiment of unanimity which, even if it produce no other fruit for the present, will be of incalculable value hereafter. The answers of the king to the representatives of the Central States were distinguished alike by firmness and prudence. He expressed his entire concurrence in their views, counselled them to persevere in the course they had adopted, and stated that he would plead the cause ofunited Italy before the great Powers at the proper moment. It was not possible to speak more plainly, or to pledge himself more distinctly to the maintenance of the principle of annexation, without incurring a responsibility which it would be most unwise to risk at present. "While these movements in the direction of Italian independence was going forward on one side of the Alps, unexpected aid was given to them on the other side by the appearance of a semi-official article in the " Constitutionnel," bearing tolerably evident marks of the imperial hand, in which it was positively announced, for the information of all concerned, that the Emperor would not only not use any force to compel the Italian Duchies to receive their old dynasties back again, but that he would not permit any force for that purpose to be used by others. This article is very striking, not less for its firmness than its candour. The Emperor avows his desire that ihe Dukes should be reinstated. He thinks ihat, on all grounds of public policy, that is the proper course ; but he has promised to Italy the right of exercising her own free will in this vital question, and be will keep 'his promise. He will do nothing to deprive Italy of the new-born liberty he has conferred on her, and he will not allow her to be deprived of it by Austria, whose armed intervention in her affairs, he declares, in emphatic words that will ring from one end of ihe Peninsula to the other, to be at an end forever. It is bo much the fashion, but much less so lately than it used to be, to doubt the integrity of the Emperor of the French, that the English journals on the first blush of this very remarkable State paper, were guarded in their

acceptance of it ; but the most suspicious of them all did not go so far as to question its sincerity on the main. Why, indeed, should the Emperor declare in the face of Europe that he would not interfere in the domestic arrangements of Italy at the very moment when Italy was hewing out her independence, and literally putting her future government into shape, unless he meant what he said ? Had he really intended to interfere by force he would have chosen his occasion earlier, before it would have entailed a double crime — the violation of his own solemn and voluntary pledges, and the violent overthrow of the new constitution, erected by the Italians xmder his sufferance. Why should he go out of his way to announce to Europe that Austrian intervention in Italy is at an end, unless he intended that it should be so ?

Why, indeed ! alack and alas for political consistency and State honour. This cheering article, by which the hopes of Italy were buoyed up and invigorated, was speedily followed by an exposition of the treaty of Villa Franca, which completely dragged them down again. Tin's new view of the case appeared in the "Moniteur," and bore even more than the other the unmistakeable stamp of authority. The substance of this announcement, warning, or menace, or whatever else it may be called, was to explain that the return of the dukes was stipulated for by the Emperor of Austria, as the condition of his consenting to concede liberal measures to Venetin, and that the Emperor of the French, glad to procure such good terms for the Venetians, agreed to the stipulation. The return of the dukes, therefore, must be considered as a sine qua non, unless Venetia is to be abandoned to the tender mercies of the Austrian rule. The immediate effect of this exposition of the secret conditions of the treaty, now made known for the first time, is to bring the affairs of Italy to a dead lock. The Italians, however, have not relinquished their resolu lion to be free, and are taking steps for their protection. The temper of the Italian mind on this question may be inferred from the answer of the Tuscan president when the return of the duke, under the condition stipulated by Austria, was proposed to him. "We will consent to the return of the duke, if Austria gives up Venetia to Piedmont, otherwise we should have no security for his conduct." If the Italians keep to this resolution, they must secure their liberty in the long run. France is pledged not to interfere in arms for the restoration of the old dynasties, and should Austria move, France would doubtless regard it as a casus belli. The probability is, that an European Congress will be ultimately convoked, at which all questions concerning Italy will be finally disposed of.

Steps have now been taken for forming a committee to serve "as a centre and medium of that active and warm sympathy which Englishmen feel in the cause of Italian freedom, and in particular in that of Central Italy, menaced from so many points at this moment." A letter has been addressed by several well-known Italian patriots to Lord Shaftesbnry, requesting him to undertake the formation of such a committee, in which it is desired that the English element should preponderate. Lord Shaftesbury, in his reply, strongly approves the proposal.

The uneasiness which existed until very recently in many quarters respecting our friendly relations with France, and the danger of an interruption to them, was lately dispelled by " one in high authority," we are bound to say before the news of the Chinese outrage had drawn the two countries more closely together than before. The Count de Morny, who, from his peculiar position, may be presumed not to speak heedlessly, has delivered a very frank speech upon the subject, and deducting something for the French way of putting these matters, he has declared that the agitation on this side of the Channel about an invasion is a groundless alarm, got up by journalists and politicians to increase their popularity, and that the Emperor not only never contemplated any such step, but that the tendency of his policy throughout has been to cultivate peace. This is the substance of the speech expiessedjn the briefest form ; and, without feeling it necessary to sit in judgment on particular phrases, inuendoes, and somewhat inexact references to past circumstances, we may fairly accept it as conveying at least the present views of the Emperor. M. de Morny has, no doubt, at other times used other language ; but that is only the greater reason for taking him at his word now. He, probably, never utters any sentiments of his own, and may always, therefore, be presumed to utter the inspiration with which he happens to be charged at the moment. M. de Morny may appear to be inconsistent with himself, but the inconsistency is in him merely a representative element ; and as we know it is hopeless to look to the Emperor himself for a clue to the imperial opinions, we are very glad to get it from one who so faithfully obeys the governing impulse. We do not look to the wind to see which way it blows, but to the smoke or the vane. If this was the condition of the Emperor's mind in reference to England before his envoy was attacked in company with ours in the waters of the Peiho, we may assuredly assume that he is not less friendly to us now.

To celebrate the conclusion of the peace Louis Napoleon, with great wisdom and no little courage, has proclaimed a general amnesty for all political offences since 1848 ; a step which shews that he feels pretty secure, and has had a very favourable effect, not only in France, but throughout Europe, and especially here. The boon has largely been accepted, but some of the leading refugees hold aloof, naturally enough fearing the law of public safety, under which they might at any time be " deported " to Cayenne without any trial, merely as suspected persons.

At last the Spaniards have determined to chastise the Moors for their repeated acts oi piracy and assaults upon the Spanish settlements in Africa, and a strong force has been sent out to do so. The Moors have made an unprovoked attack on Ceuta, and utterly despise the Spaniards. The Emperor of Morocco has just died at the age of 81, an event of no very great importance.