THE STATE OF IRELAND.

Otago Witness, Issue 380, 12 March 1859, Page 2

THE STATE OF IRELAND.

The present condition of Ireland exhibits so a many disagreeable, not to say ugly, symptoms, v that no person can be surprised to hear that p the landed gentry of that country, " without h distinction of party," have been invited to hold n a meeting in Dublin " for the purpose of tak- a ing into consideration the defects of the law « for the protection of life and property, and the n amendment* which should be sought for in t the next session of Parliament." The Govern- a ment has done its duty, first by the warning t which it has given to the public in the shape i of a general proclamation, and secondly by the « vigour and determination with which it has * endeavoured to enforce the supremacy of the < law. The landed gentry of Ireland and the 1 Roman Catholic priesthood have now their 1 duty to perform. The former, who have never ' shrunk from responsibility and danger in times 1 far more troublous than the present, will now, 1 as before, give the aid of their position and 1 influence to the cause of the Government. ( They know by ample and bitter experience I that it is against their order that the Ribbon : Society has ever raised its red and remorseless hand, and that a long catalogue of murder, from the unavenged assassinations of the late Lord Norbury, Mr. Ely, and many others, still cries aloud for vengeance. Self-interest, patriotism, detestation of crime, the love of life, the rights of property— every inducement which can sway the mind of man — all in their case concur in arraying them on the side of law and justice. The Roman Catholic priest- j hood of recent times have not been the abet- j tors of treason in Ireland. Their power to | suppress crime, arising from religious and moral influence, cannot be denied any more than the excellent effect with which as a class they have almost uniformly exercised that power. We have a right therefore to expect that the Roman Catholic priesthood will now, as in 1848, altogether turn away their countennnce and support from the disloyal attempts of the foolish youths who at Skihbereen, Bantry, and Killarney, still dream of the separate nationality of Ireland. "We cannot be wrong in this anticipation when we hear such men as Dean Kiernan and Dr. Cahill emphatically warning their flocks to abstain from union with those secret societies which are as much under the ban of the Romish Church as they are opposed to the spirit and positive enactments of British law. But at a period when a state of unusual peace and prosperity prevails in Ireland it is difficult to account for this revival of Young Irelandism, If we regard the mere surface of things, we see Ireland governed upon principles of equal justice to all parties and to all creed*. Tithe wars, repeal agitation, part}' processions, have all died out, and Ireland is without a grievance, unless it be that claim for tenant-right of which Mr. S. Crawford is still the loud and consistent advocate. Whence comes this Phoenix Society, the object of which is said to he the invasion of Ireland by lii^h filibusters from the United States? Between the years 1829 and 1856 no less than ],747,J>30 emigrants from Ireland have arrived in the United States These men feel their position in the country of their adoption far from agreeable. The native Americans have a secret society of their own — " The Kuow Nothings," the object of which is to ignore in America both the political and religious influence of the Irish population. Under these circumstances, the Irish emigrants have banded themselves together, have their secret societies and their separate militia regiments, and, under the leadership of such men as Mr. Mitchell and Mr. Meagher, they hope once more to return to their country in the character of successful traitors. We believe that the Phajr.ix Society is an inspiration from across the Atlantic, and a proof of the inveterate hostility to England which still animates a large portion of the Irish race. The origin of the disaffection must be traced to the Irish quarters of the large cities of the American Union, not to any general confederacy of the population of Ireland. But, reverting to the repressive powers of the law, the subject which is to occupy the consideration of the approaching meeting at Dublin, we find that they are amply sufficient to crush out the first spark of that foolish and disloyal agitation which a few crack-brained young men hope to raise. The Peace Preservation Act is still in force, and under its provisions districts may not only be proclaimed, but the inhabitants may not possess arms without a license from the Government authorities. Then, again, what can be more stringent than those powers of the law which render illegal every society the members of which communicate by secret signs or passwords, or purchase or distribute arms ? The powers of the law are apparently ample, but if they should prove to be insufficient, then the precedent of the Coercion Act is ready at hand, and military law ma} be again enforced in Ireland, and undo all the good which 10 years of tranquilitv and prosperity have so happily accomplished in thai country. — Post.