THE ITALIAN QUESTION.

Otago Witness, Issue 250, 13 September 1856, Page 5

THE ITALIAN QUESTION.

(From the Argus, August 14.)

On the continent of Europe public affairs wear a troubled and threatening aspect. The Italian question now concerns the entire community of civilized nations. It is no longer limited to a jealous and angry feeling between Austria and Piedmont. The cause at issue is rather between absolute despotism and a constitutional form of government. The Court of Vienna alleges, as its main grief, that political refugees are not only harboured within the Sardinian territories, but are there freely permitted to inveigh against their oppressors, and to excite their fellow-coun-trymen to disaffection and revolt. The Piedmontese Government, they assert, is either unable or unwilling to repress these insults to a foreign and friendly State. Whichever be the case, it becomes the duty of that State to support its unheeded remonstrances by an exhibition of physical force, in order to maintain peace and tranquility ; and according to Austrian notions, no man is so pacific and tranquil as he whose mouth is gagged, and whose limbs are fettered and bound. This likewise is the view taken by Louis Napoleon. The French Minister of Foreign Affairs loudly protested at the Conferences against the' liberty accorded to the Press in Belgium. He also darkly hinted at the possibility of circumstances arising which would justify the intervention of his Government in the internal administration of that free country. Belgium and Piedmont are the last home of freedom on the continent of Europe*. They are a mute but living protest against despotism. Men look to them, and remember the meaning of the words " nationality," " people," " freedom of thought," "liberty of speech." Such reminiscences fill the mind with horror and detestation of oppression, and inspire noble and generous yearnings. These are the sentiments which absolute governments stigmatize as disaffection. Against such aspirations as these they direct persecutions, imprisonments, and the law of arms. Were it true, indeed, that in the Belgian and Sardinian States the courts of Justice were impotent to deal with offenders against public morality, that libellous writings passed unpunished, and that tyrannicide and murder were openly applauded without let or hinderance, — then there might be some excuse for, at least very strong remonstrance, and even for breaking off all friendly communication with the Government. But the case is far different. There are proper and efficient tribunals to which actions far libel and for preaching the detestable doctrine of tyrainiicide would be tried with.all pos-

sible fairness, and a.conviction. followed by severe and condign punishment. And were it otherwise, it cannot be admitted for a moment that the aggrieved Government should be its own judge and executioner. Offences against international law should clearly be brought before an European congress. This principle was actually affirmed in one of the most important protocols at the Conferences of Paris ; and nothing can be more just and logical than that if there be an international law, there should also be an international police. If international law be only another phrase for public opinion, it is mere delusion and a mockery. There is then no barrier to the unscrupulous ambition of a powerful State or of a military despot. Laws without means of enforcement are idle words, not worth the parchment on which they are engrossed. If, therefore, there be such a thing as international law, and if Belgium and Piedmont have been guilty of its violation, let them be called to account before an international tribunal. But, in truth, the offence alleged against them is one in which Englishmen glory, as a matter of national pride. Whoever enters the territories of those states becomes a freeman, one who dares to think for himself, and to express what he thinks. In short, he is no longer a Government machine, — a thing made to order — but a rational being, a man. In Italy the complication is rendered more serious by the admixture of ecclesiastical questions. The Pope has hitherto been regarded in Italy as both the temporal and spiritual head of the Christian Church. rßutr But the Sardinian Government now repudiates the secular supremacy of Rome, though still disposed to acknowledge the spiritual power of his Holiness. On the other hand, the Emperor of Austria has in some measure dubbed himself the champion of the Papal See, and would like nothing better than to chastise this truant son of the Church. Louis Napoleon, though too sagacious to desire the maintenance of an ecclesiastical despotism long since ' effete,' is hampered in his movements by the fear of offending the clergy, to whom he is not a little indebted for the internal tranquillity of his own dominions. Besides, Rome itself is occupied by French troops, and by French troops alone is Pio Nono maintained in the chair of St. Peter ; and between himself and Francis Joseph there is the sympathy of despotism. If he interfere too openly in defence of Piedmont, the other may equally interfere in defence of Belgium. Satan rebuking sin is simply laughable, and no Frenchman will wittingly expose himself to ridicule. There remains, then, no hope for those constitutional Governments but in an appeal to Great Britain, a country never slow in according its good wishes to those who are battling for freedom, but, unhappily, very chary of affording active co-operation. According to commercial politicians, the true interest of England is to hold herself aloof from the toils and turmoils of continental nations, and to confine herself to the pursuits of trade and industry. This is a most unsound and ignoble policy. Had she always acted on such principles, England would probably at this moment be a mere appanage of the Crown of France. Never has she exhibited her power and the genius of " the imperial race" so favorably as when asserting her position as a member of the great European community. Under Elizabeth no nation was more respected, under Cromwell none more dreaded. The political sagacity of William 111., and the military genius of Marlborough, added to her influence and reputation. Under Chatham and his immortal son, Great Britain achieved a fame and established a solid power almost unrivalled in the world's history. Of late years her halo has been somewhat dimmed by her ambiguous conduct in reference to Poland, Sicily, and Hungary. An opportunity now presents itself for the recovery of her position as the most free, most liberal, most truly powerful nation in Europe. It is not her duty, indeed, to interpose in the differences or religious questions that exist between Sardinia and Rome. But, assuredly, it is both her bounden duty and her genuine interest to interpose her aegis between a weak but noble-minded people and the powerful and insolent Government that seeks to extend its dull, mind-destroying thraldom to all that survives in hapless Italy of valour, intellect, and freedom. In England's present state of naval and military preparation, neither Austria nor France would willingly enter the lists against her, and if the Ministry could be induced to act with decision in favour of Sardinia, people at home would applaud their generous intervention, and the Court of Vienna would as certainly lower its tone.