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FOREIGN AFFAIRS

Significance of New Trends in Pacific DEBATE IN PARLIAMENT Parliamentary Reporter WELLINGTON, Aug. 14. The need for New Zealand to become more “ Pacificmirnded ” and to take cognisance of the increasing importance of the new nations which were emerging on the fringes of the Pacific were among the arguments put forward during a further debate on foreign affairs in the House of Representatives to-day. The discussion took place on the reports of New Zealand delegations to the recent international conferences. v The Opposition speakers included Mr R. M. Algie, who was granted an extension of speaking time and applauded when he finished. He said that every one of the five lesser peace treaties already signed was in direct conflict with the leading principle of the Atlantic Charter which was that no territorial changes could be made unless with the consent of those to be governed. Replying to the debate the Prime Minister, Mr Fraser, said he hoped within the next day pr so to set up a Foreign Affairs Committee of the House, but obviously no such committee could be given access to all documents and secret and confidential communications.

“Germany to-day holds a place in the world which is partly a vacuum,” Mr Algie said. “ Round this vacuum there are two rival hostile and mutually exclusive ideologies. The question with which we are most concerned is which one will fill the vacuum? The Germans, though enemies for whom I have no regard, are an energetic, forceful and efficient people, and it would be only self-delusion to think that they can be kept under the heel for an indefinite period. “ I believe that for the peace of the world, Germany will have to be rebuilt,” he said. “ Fbr the sake of the world we have to fill the vacuum with the ideology of the West, which, as I understand it, is Christian.” If civilisation was built on any doctrine at all, it -was that of Christ and nothing else, Mr. Algie said. The introduction of this ideology into Germany was not going to be easy because there was another ideology which was as well organised and as powerful, which some day' would be as efficient as their own, and which was, in many ways, ruthless and less scrupulous. To make peace was not enough any* more than harmony could be secured in industry by passing statutes, Mr Algie continued. There was no such thing as perfect peace except in a cemetery, and the most they could hope for was to create the conditions in which peace might be expected to come. The things that nations could do and agree on together were the most important, but one nation was surrounded by an iron curtain. It had not always been so and he hoped it would not always continue. With Mr Ernest Bevin, he hoped for the day when any man could go round the world with his ticket as his passport. There was a time when this could almost be done. Atlantic Charter

discussing international affairs, the speakers would also paint a gloomy picture and blame the United States and Britain. Pow'er Politics Though Russia was not all she might be, it was too easy to say she was alone to blame. The blame lay in something more deep-rooted —in the question of power politics. The major nations were playing power politics. The Commonwealth really relied on something of greater value—moral strength and the significance of its institutions and freedom. Mr Wilson said the hindrances to getting together were not really ideological, because when he was in Russia a short time before the war the people were great admirers of American technical capacity and methods and there was not a word about capitalism. Ideologies were only raised when trouble arose from dependence on a sense of power, and that was bound to lead,to conflict and eventually war. He did not think that in the modern world peace could be maintained by a balance of power, because to-day war was not declared or announced in advance. An aggressor would attack at a favourable moment without formality. 'He was against all secret agreements, though in the war some had been necessary, but out of them arose some of to-day’s troubles. Press radio and newsreel reports—particularly those of the United States —in relation to international conferences were sensational. This, he said, was the complete antithesis of fair reporting and one of the factors responsible for unrest. It was not the sensational features of ctonferenees which mattered, but the solid work accomplished. The best way towards international peace was for the nations to combine in practical projects on which they could reach agreement, such as UNESCO. . Replying to the debate, the Prime Minister said that those members who had participated in it had made a valuable contribution. There were not many points of disagreement. The clarity and generosity reflected m the speeches from both sides of the House was characteristic of this country nnd its countrymen. Small as New Zealand was in area and population, its contribution could continue to be valuable. Some speeches had shown an incisive grasp of the difficulties and intricacies of foreign affairs. Speeches were valuable because of the objective and unprejudiced way the problem had been approached. Concentration Camps Mr Fraser said that none of them had thought that the terrible cruelties of the concentration camp were possible in the present generation. They had exceeded the horrors of the Middle Ages. . Mr W S. Goosman (Oppn., Piako). Are these camps not carried on in Russia? ~ ... Mr Fraser said he could not say, but they were certainly not like those

“Every one .■of the nve lesser peace treaties already signed is in direct conflict with tne leaning principle of the Atlantic Charter, whicn is tnat no territorial changes should be mane unless with tne consent of those to be governed,” Mr Algie continued, “ There has been no plebiscite taken on changes of boundaries and of population and no satisfactory evidence of a determined ditort to acnieve the principle of the charter. The effect may be that the people of the'world are a little disillusioned. I have immense faith in the resilience of human nature, however. It has always been a principle of British statesmanship that people over whom dominion is exercised should be prepared to govern themselves. The Russians have a different outlook so we should not be very worried that so little agreement has been reached, but glad tnat any has been attained at all. We should continue trying harder than ever.” Mr D. M. Rae tQppn., Parnell! said there had been criticism in the past of those sent to administrative posts in the Pacific —superannuated soldiers and ex-politicians who took over important dutes in which they were not always successful. It would be most important for the future that the work of the South Pacific Commission should be aided by well-equipped scientists and able administrators. In this respect, it might be well to consider the establishment at one of the New Zealand university colleges of a chair of Pacific studies which such distinguished New Zealand and Polynesians as Sir Peter Buck could be asked to lead, and the assistance sought of New Zealanders like Dr Raymond Firth and Dr Felire Keesing, who had now world distinction for their research m the Pacific. „ , . . , Mr M. Moohan (Govt., Petone) said that peace and security would not come to Germany and Japan with continued pressure of huge armies of occupation. Such a practice with the war two years past was a relic of medieval times and served no useful purpose. All available man-power should be utilised in producing the . goods and services needed for prosperity, economic security., and happinGMr T P. Shand (Oppn., Marlborough) said that if they were to have well-informed people they must have a non-party foreign affairs committee of the House whose member would have access to reports from overseas —not only those of fact but background material which explained public feeling in other countries and reasons for official actions. American Press

He referred to the report of Viscount Montgomery’s visit to Wellington published in the Chicago Daily Tribune and quoted in the House the previous day This sort of thing, said Mi Sha'nd, was being published every day in the United States and read by millions, It should be countered. Mr A. M. Finlay (Govt North Shore) said i he agreed that Jjere should be a committee of the House to discuss matters of foreign policy which could make recommendations ,to the Government. The foreign policy of this country must be aimed at the protection of such vital interests. Mr Finlay said he welcomed the transformation which was now proceeding of the British Empire into a British Commonwealth and he hoped it. would be accelerated. The change of status which had already occurred in India and the developments taking place m Burma Ceylon and Egypt showed that the era of the Commonwealth was applWhiienlt was right for Britain and New Zealand to base their policy on the assumption of continued AngloAmerican alliance. Mr Finlay said, it was well not to take such alliance entirely for granted for there was evidence that some influential groups in the United Slates wished to restrict their friendship and aid to certain groups in Britain and were seeking to make further aid conditional on a halt being called to socialisation in Britain and in thoge zones of Germany controlled by Britain. , Mr G H. O. Wilson (Govt., Palmerston 'North) said their function as members and laymen was to try to see principles of foreign policy and not allow themselves to be engulfed in details. The country’s attitude on international politics was largely a reflex of their own domestic politics 1 and philosophy of life. It was easy to escape from a sense of responsibility for what was happening by blaming the other fellow. He quite believed that if some small Soviet Republic \4as that night holding a meeting and

where hundreds and thousands had been driven to their slaughter like herds of cattle. As far as the democratic nations were concerned, there would be no repetition of that. Britain had denuded herself to tiy and save the people—particularly the women and children—of its zone in Germany, said Mr. Fraser. He believed the hope of the Sudan was co-opera-tion with the United Kingdom rather than subservience to any neighbouring territory-Egypt or anyone c ; e, Tolerance was needed,.and, although there was not much to give them great encouragement, they must have eternal faith in the destiny of mankind There was a time when one almost despaired. Even if we did not understand Russia, we njust trv to do so without sacrificing principle. The Prime Minister said that, without in any way reflecting on the great leaders? of the war— Churchill, Roosevelt, and Stalin—he thought they would be in a better position to-day if certain agreements had not been mad® at Yalta, Moscow, and Berlin. They did what they thought was best. It was evident, however, that such negotiations could not be conducted in the open. It was not private discussions that did injury, but public affront. It was impossible for statesmen to get around a table and discuss things and be frank without being misunderstood. He hoped in the next few days in set up a foreign affairs committee All documents from the United Kingdom Government came ‘top secret,” with various degices _of confidence. Some messages to him he was not permitted even to tell his colleagues. That did not happen often, but it did on several occasions during the war. No committee that could be sot up could be given all documents.' In an ideal world, all documents would be thrown open but we were a long way from that. Wnon treaties were completed and signed, then the people should be told, for secret treaties meant open warfare later on. ... The House rose at 10.30 p.m. until 10.30 a.m. to-morrow.

of the whole community, . including the country districts, upon whose welfare we are ultimately dependent. In the pursuit of these aims, the chamber will continue its policy of consultation and co-operation with other bodies, resorting to public criticism only as a last resort.” The election of officers resulted as follows: President, Mr Stephens; vicepresident, Mr A. B. Callender; immediate past-president, Mr C. J. Wood; council —Messrs M. S. Arthur, W. S. Dawson, H. Staton, R. H. Gardner, A. E Gardner, E. Hartlc, R. S. McKenzie, F. A. Keane, and R. J. Knowles; honorary auditors, Messrs Broderick and Chalmer; nominated members—Messrs R. T. Stedman (Otago Executive of Federated Farmers), W. G. Nicholson (Dunedin Returned Services’ Association), A. de Beer (Otago Importers’ and Shippers’ Association), A. B. Jones (Otago Retailers’ Association), J. L. Johnston (Otago-Southland Manufacturers’ Association), E. H. Brooke (Otago Hardware Association), H. Carswell (Stock Agents’ and Woolbrokers’ Association); co-opted members—Messrs T. Johnston (district traffic manager of railways), J. P. J. Hanratty (chief postmaster), H. H. Forward (district officer of the Department of Industries and Commerce), W. R. Clarke (chairman of the Otago Harbour Board), and S. G. Cook (Junior Chamber of Commerce).

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/ODT19470815.2.83

Bibliographic details

Otago Daily Times, Issue 26540, 15 August 1947, Page 6

Word Count
2,190

FOREIGN AFFAIRS Otago Daily Times, Issue 26540, 15 August 1947, Page 6

FOREIGN AFFAIRS Otago Daily Times, Issue 26540, 15 August 1947, Page 6

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