Thank you for correcting the text in this article. Your corrections improve Papers Past searches for everyone. See the latest corrections.

This article contains searchable text which was automatically generated and may contain errors. Join the community and correct any errors you spot to help us improve Papers Past.

Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image

HOPES OF PEACE

DISCUSSIONS IN EUROPE NATIONS’ VIEWS' ON SECURITY GERMANY CREATES DIFFICULTIES NO OUTLINE OF BRITISH POLICY (British Official Wireless.) (United Press . Association.) (By Electric Telegraph—Copyright.) RUGBY, April 9. The House of Commons showed intense interest in a statement which the Foreign Secretary on the eve of his departure for the Three-Power Conference at Stresa made in regard to his recent exploratory tour of European capitals. Sir John Simon said it would be appreciated that just as the visits paid to Berlin, Moscow, Warsaw, and Prague arose out of the London declaration of February 3, so these visits, which were to provide material as to the views of other Governments, were connected with the Stresa meeting of the British, French and Italian Governments. In these circumstances he could only make a summarised statement of what had been ascertained as to the views of other ■States, and it would not be possible to use the occasion for a pronouncement of the British Government’s policy. As regards the so-called eastern pact, Herr Hitler made it plain that Germany was not prepared to sign an eastern pact under which Germany would be bound to mutual assistance. In particular, Germany was not prepared to enter into a pact of mutual assistance between herself and Russia. On the other hand, Germany was stated to be in favour of a non-aggression pact between the Powers interested in the Eastern European question, together with provision for consultation if aggression was threatened. Herr ■ Hitler was not prepared in the present, conditions to contemplate the Inclusion of Lithuania in any pact of lion-aggression. Germany also suggested that if, in spite of this pact of nonaggression and consultation, hostilities should break out between any two of the contracting Powers the other contracting Powers should engage not to support the aggressor in any way. Herr Hitler dwelt ,on the difficulty of identifying the aggressor. Asked as to his yiew if some other parties to such a pact entered into an agreement of mutual assistance as. amongst themselves, Herr Hitler stated,that he considered that this idea was dangerous and objectionable, as in his opinion it would tend to create special interests in a group within the wider system.

RUSSIA DESIRES EQUAL SECURITY In Moscow Mr Eden learned that the "Soviet Government considered the present international situation made it more than ever necessary to pursue the endeavour to promote the 'building up of a security system in Europe as contemplated in the London communique and in conformity with the principles of the League. The Soviet Government emphasised that in its view the proposed eastern pact did not aim at the isolation or encirclement of any State, but at the creation of equal security for all the participants, and it was felt that the participation., of both. Germany and Poland in the pact would afford the best f solution of the problem. . .~5 ..Jn -Warsaw'Mr Eden learned- the view of the Polish Government on this question.: M. Beck, the Polish Foreign Minister, explained that Poland had by her - agreements with the Soviet Union on the one hand and with Ger- . many on the other; established tranquil conditions upon her two frontiers, and the question Poland was bound to ask herself 1 was whether qny new proposal would improve or trouble the good atmosphere thereby established. The question of an Eastern pact was also briefly reviewed in a short interview which Mr Eden had with Dr Benes at Prague. CENTRAL EUROPEAN PACT As regards the idea of a central European . pact, which was more particularly the topic of the Franco-Italian meeting at Borne, British Ministers understood in Berlin that the German . Government did ,not reject the idea of such an arrangement on the grounds of principle, but did not see its necessity, and saw great difficulty in defining “ non-interference ” in relation to Austria. Herr Hitler intimated, however, that if the other Governments who should wish to conclude a central European pact could agree upon the text the German Government would consider it. In Warsaw, M. Beck told Mr Eden that Poland was prepared to adopt a friendly attitude towards a central European pact, and considered that the proposed arrangement might lead to appeasement and to the growth of confidence in that region. Dr Benes, in Prague, expressed the hope that further progress might be made on this subject at Stress. In regard to land armaments, Herr Hitler stated that Germany required 30 divisions, representing a maximum of 530.000 soldiers of all arms, including a division of S.S. (guard troops) and militarised police troops. Germany, Herr Hitler said, claimed to possess all . types of arms possessed by other countries and was not prepared to refrain from constructing certain types until other countries ceased to possess them. „ If other countries would abandon certain types Germany won'd do the same. : As regards naval armaments, Germany claimed, with certain reserves, 35 per cent, of British tonnage, and in the air parity between Great Britain, France, .and Germany, provided that development of the Soviet air force was not such that revision of these figures would bo necessary. If any general agreement as to arms limitation could be reached Germany would be prepared to accept and work ' a system of permanent and automatic supervision on the understanding that such supervision applied to all Powers equalK’. Herr Hitler said that the German Government favoured the suggestion contained in the London communique of an air pact between the Locarno Powers. DISAGREEMENT WITH GERMANY On the subject of the League of Nations Herr Hitler referred to the assertion that he made in May, 1933, that Germany would not continue to participate in the League if she was to remain what he described as a country of inferior rights, and alleged by way of example that she was in a position of inferiority if she had no colonies. Sir John Simon continued: “I have confined myself to an account of what was said by the others, but it must not be supposed that the British Min isters did not indicate strong disagreement on certain points, and, indeed, at the end of the Berlin interview 1 expressed disappointment at the difficulties disclosed in the way of an agreement.” His statement, Sir John Simon said, was purely objective, and in view of the fact that the comments of leading

newspapers in Britain were sometimes supposed on the Continent to represent Government opinion, it was desirable to state that his Majesty’s Government was faithful to the assurance that it would take part at Stresa without previously reaching defined conclusions, The Government had not yet formulated its attitude to these interviews, and he hoped that opinion abroad would await the official utterance of the Government before drawing inferences from any unauthorised comments and pronouncements.

Following Sir John Simon’s statement, Mr G. Lansbury (Leader of the Opposition) remarked that he was expressing tlie view of a very considerable body of opinion when he said it was hoped that the Government was going to carry out a policy at Stresa of collective security through the League of Nations based not merely on piling up poison gas or armaments, but on disarmament. NO DEFINITE COMMITMENTS PARLIAMENT TO BE CONSULTED (British Official Wireless.) RUGBY, April 9. (Received April 10, at 5.5 p.m.) Answering various 'supplementary questions Sir John Simon gave an assurance that as in the case of the previous conference no definite commitment would be entered into without previous discussion in Parliament. The Government’s freedom of action, he said, would not be affected in any way by what passed at Stresa. The conference would be followed closely by a special meeting of the League Council, but he did not anticipate that matters would there reach a final stage. Asked to explain Germany’s reason for the exclusion of Lithuania from the countries with whom she was willing to make bilaterial non-aggression pacts, Sir John Simon said that the reason given was confined to present circumstances, and he referred to the difference in connection with Memel. *

Further asked whether the Government had considered putting down the question of Memel on the agenda at the League meeting, Sir John Simon said that the British Government had not waited until now but had taken up the matter and pressed it on several occasions. At the end of last month they communicated with the French and Italian Governments on the subject, and he hoped shortly to learn more clearly what their views were, as the Governments had a special interest in the Memel question. The Prime Minister was asked whether, in order to remove misapprehensions in German official quarters, which, if allowed to continue, must adversely affect Anglo-German relations, his Majesty’s Government would consider the advisability of intimating to the German Government that the transfer to Germany of any colonial mandate by his Majesty’s Government was a matter which it was not in any circumstances prepared to consider. Mr MacDonald replied that he had no reason to suppose that the German Government was under any such misapprehension. The policy of his Majesty’s Government had been repeatedly and clearly, stated by present and previous Governments, ABSENCE OF CLEAR POLICY CABINET DIFFERENCES ASSUMED LONDON, April 9. The Sun-Herald service says that the real significance of Sir John Simon’s statement was the entire absence of a defined policy. The situation has elements of Cabinet complications, the sequel to which will only be known after the Stresa Conference. Cabinet appears to have divided itself into two schools, pro-French, and pro-German. Evidently the Conservatives are ranging themselves against Mr MacDonald and Sir John Simon, whose presence at Stresa without a single Conservative Minister may conceivably create a situation in which the Conservatives will eventually seek to replace the national administration. The Conservatives fear that Mr MacDonald and Sir John Simon, without Mr Eden, will not express the British policy at Stresa as they want it. THE STRESA CONFERENCE

NATIONS RECOGNISE IMPORTANCE tßritish OtHelal Wireless • RUGBY, April 9. The British Government’s recognition of the importance of the Stresa conference on Thursday is indicated in Cabinet’s decision that the Prime Minister and the Foreign Secretary shall be the British representatives there. It is expected that M. Flandin will also attend with M. Laval, and it is known that Signor Mussolini himself will be the principal Italian representative. Mr Baldwin, owing to an engagement in Wales, was unable to attend yesterday’s Cabinet meeting. MEMBERS IN THE DARK OPPORTUNITY FOR DEBATE SOUGHT LONDON, April 9. (Received April 10, at 5.5 p.m.) Sir Austen Chamberlain has joined in the demand of Mr Lansbury and Sir Herbert Samuel for the earliest possible debate on the European conferences. He said that the only object was that the Government should know in these critical times that it had the support and the authority of the House behind it. Mr ,T. Maxton protested that Mr MacDonald and Sir John Simon might undertake commitments at Stresa and Geneva of which the House had no indication. “ We have heard where Italy, Germany, Russia, and Poland stand.” he said. “ but I do not know where my own country stands.” Sir John Simon said that nobody contemplated that Britain or anyone else would enter commitments at Geneva on April 15. Sir Edward Grigg: While our representatives are at Geneva they will not enter fresh, commitments without consulting Parliament. I hope they will nevertheless make it clear that we stand by our existing commitments.

Mr G. Le M. Mander; Is it not possible for the Government to state its policy before going to Stresa and Geneva? May -we be assured that the Government really has a policy? No reply was given.

REASONS FOR SILENCE UNDERTAKINGS GIVEN LONDON, April 9. (Received April 10, at 7 p.m.) The Times in a leader says: “ Foreign countries are certain to be somewhat disappointed at Britain’s failure to give a more precise indication of policy, but Sir John Simon’s reason was that other Governments have been assured that no definite decisions can be taken before the Stresa conference. Mr MacDonald and Sir John Simon can count on the support of a united country both at Stresa and Geneva.” —Times Cable. A DELICATE SITUATION NEED FOR WATCHFULNESS LONDON, April 9. (Received April 10, at 7 p.m.) The importance which the British Government attaches to the Stresa talks is shown by the inclusion of Sir Robert Vansittart, Permanent Under-secretary of the Foreign Office, Sir William Malkin, legal adviser, Mr R. F. Wigram, head of the Central Department, Mr W. Strand, head of the League section, and Mr R. A. Lecper, head of the Nows Department. They will be accompanied by Signor Grandi, the Italian Ambassador in London, and will be joined at Stresa by Sir Eric Drummond and two high officials from the British Embassy at Rome.

The Daily Telegraph’s diplomatic correspondent says: " The British Ministers are strongly of opinion that an early declaration reaffirming Britain’s determination to carry out all her obligations under the Covenant and Locarno should be made as a steadier of European nerves.”

The News-Chronicle in a leader says; “There is danger, as, if the British delegation allows it to be thought that Britain cannot as a last resort be relied upon in a fight against an aggressor, France, Italy and Russia, who are nervous of Germany and are impatient for action, will form a military alliance, thus bringing about the very thing the British Government most deprecates.” Mr Ward Price, in the Daily Mail, says: “M. Laval at Stresa will place a definite plan before the British and Italian Governments. He is convinced that peace in Europe is impossible without a Franco-German reconciliation, but will not suffer Germany’s infraction of the Versailles Treaty to pass without protest. Otherwise the breach might be repeated. France favours the formation of a group of Powers pledged through a military alliance to preserve peace, a place in it being reserved for Germany whenever she is disposed to accept the engagements involved.” FRANCE AND RUSSIA AGREEMENT REPORTED

, PARIS, April 9, (Received April 10, at 8.30 p.m.)

It is understood that M. Laval and the Soviet Ambassador, M. Potemkin, have agreed in principle on a FrancoRussian pact for signature when M. Laval goes to Moscow on April 23. The convention is designed to replace the Eastern pact if Germany and Poland refuse to sign it. Le Journal says that the pact will ultimately take the form .of a military agreement attached to the revised mechanism of the League. COMMENT ON STATEMENT CLEAR-CUT DECISION URGED LONDON, April 10, (Received April 10, at 9.50 p.m.) Referring to Sir John Simon’s statement the Daily Telegraph says: “ Public opinion will note with assurance that Britain will not be committed to any course without previous discussion by Pai’liament, but will expect a strenuous attempt to be made to reach a clcar-cut decision as soon as the exploratory measures are complete.” The Morning Post asks when and where this exploratory business is going to end. “We had better make up our minds,” it says, “to join those countries which are ready here and now to combine for common security. It would be absurd to represent as encirclement defensive security a system to which Germany can gain admission for the asking.” The Daily Mail says: “Mr MacDonald and Sir John Simon should state that the British people will not allow themselves to bo taxed for or conscripted for the independence of Austria, the defence of Czechoslovakia, or the wars of Moscow. They should announce that they have decided to organise British security and build a supreme air fleet.” ELABORATE PREPARATIONS CONFERENCE TO MEET IN PALACE LONDON, April 10. (Received April 10, at 10.25 p.m.) ' The Milan correspondent of The Times says: “ Signor Mussolini is expected at Stresa to-day. He will be the guest of the Prince of Borromeo in the palace on the island of Isola Bella. The British and French Ministers will stay at the Grand Hotel at Stresa, but will take their meals at the palace in a room known as the “ room of the medals ” representing episodes in the life of Saint Charles of Borromeo. The conference sittings will be held in the music room. The Prince has done everything to give the guests a taste of the family’s traditional hospitality. All his staff will bo in costume, and 10 liveried footmen will wait on Signor Mussolini and the British and French Ministers.”—Times Cable.

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/ODT19350411.2.52

Bibliographic details

Otago Daily Times, Issue 22544, 11 April 1935, Page 9

Word Count
2,727

HOPES OF PEACE Otago Daily Times, Issue 22544, 11 April 1935, Page 9

HOPES OF PEACE Otago Daily Times, Issue 22544, 11 April 1935, Page 9

Help

Log in or create a Papers Past website account

Use your Papers Past website account to correct newspaper text.

By creating and using this account you agree to our terms of use.

Log in with RealMe®

If you’ve used a RealMe login somewhere else, you can use it here too. If you don’t already have a username and password, just click Log in and you can choose to create one.


Log in again to continue your work

Your session has expired.

Log in again with RealMe®


Alert