SAN FRANCISCO’S GENERAL STRIKE

Otago Daily Times, Issue 22356, 1 September 1934, Page 22

SAN FRANCISCO’S GENERAL STRIKE

(From Our Own Correspondent.) SAN FRANCISCO, July 31

On Monday morning, July 16. the people of San Francisco saw a strange sight. Accustomed to the hustle of a busy city, there was an uncanny stillness. \ r ot h tram could be seen on the four tracks on the principal thoroughfare, Market street. Three days earlier the taxi cabs were withdrawn when the drivers decided to walk oat of the barns. The Monday saw shops, stores and markets dark, with signs “ Closed during the strike ”on the floors. Food was removed from windows as a precaution against rioting. The troops of the National Guard marched up and down the city’s famed waterfront, but not further up town. _ The police were placed at s-tratcgic points, with their numbers augmented to meet possible emergencies. In San Francisco Bay and along the wharves lay nearly 100 steamers bulging with cargo. Some of them had been “tied up” for two months. Amid this uncertainty and tension there walked to work tens of thousands of men and women. Transportation was out of the question. In by-gone years horses and vehicles of all descriptions werg pressed into service when there was interruption of the customary facilities for reaching places of employment, but today “ Old Dobbin ’’ is somewhat of a myth. The long distances to be traversed from the suburbs caused great inconvenience to the people not directly affected by the strike, and the crowded ferry boats from the cities on San Francisco Bay continued in operations and unloaded “ commuters ” at the foot of Market street. Not since the tragic days that followed the earthquake and fire of April 18, 1906, were such scenes witnessed in San Francisco, excepting that then there were physical sears which seemed permanent, but were later removed by the energy of man. On July 10 all was outwardly peaceful, but each persons knew the bitterness and strife beneath the surface, and the calling of a general strike was known possibly to lead to turmoil, riot, martial law, and all the horrors that follow expressed hate in the hearts of men. THE FUNDAMENTAL CAUSES. Eighy-three days ago the longshoremen on San Francisco’s waterfront " downed tools.” They alleged many grievances. Among them were failure to recognise the union of the calling, inequalities in hiring men, wages that were alleged to be too low, and working conditions that needed change. A full dozen years ago the employers came into complete control of the loading and unloading of vessels. They formed a company union and no man could work unless he was permitted to do so by first securing a “blue book,” emblem of the employers’ strength. "The members of the trade union, the International Longshoremen’s Association, were boycotted. Favouritism was shown in selecting the gangs of workers to load and unload vessels. Many men would stand about for weeks and months without receiving any, or very much, work, but on rare occasions there would be a demand for every man in sight. It has been stated that men seeking employment would, at times, pay money to the “straw” bosses for inclusion in the gangs._ Various other complaints have been registered. Regardless of the justice or the injustice of the allegations, one thing stands out, namely, that the employers had a fine chance to build industrial relations on a permanent basis that would have appealed to all. On the contrary, they were ruthless. During retent months the pendulum swung the other way, as usually happens. The International Longshoremen’s Association acquired a full membership. The new growth of unionism, the dissatisfaction with conditions and the failure to better them, and the impetus given to organisation by the N.K.A. all combined to change the picture. The Communist agitators found fertile ground for the dissemination of their doctrines. Though small in numbers, they know exactly how to appeal, and they contributed mainly to the chaos that followed. The “ reds ” are led by Harry Bridges, an Australian, who came to the United States in 1920, and has twice declared his intention of becoming a citizen but has not completed the requirements of the United States Government before one can have the privilege of citizenship. This gave the newspapers full opportunity to refer to “ alien leadership ” in anything but complimentary terms. When the waterfront workers decided to interest the unions in a general effort, they adopted the method of visiting the organisations in numbers, stressing their grievances, appealing for support, and arousing an enthusiasm for their cause that won converts. It was said that it was necessary for all workers to combine against the employers. If a secret vote bad been required, some of the unions would not have favoured a general strike, but. “ follow the leader ” is applicable to many groups of men and women when passions are aroused. • While about half the unions voted to cease work, a goodly proportion of the remainder was drawn in because of the trade involvements or the actions of employers in closing their establishments during the trouble. Perhaps 100,000 men and women in trade unions were involved in the San Francisco and Oakland areas, and more than an equal number in nonorganised industries. A MEMORABLE OCCASION. On “bloody Thursday,” July 5, there was a riot on the waterfront and the police shot two strikers. There was undoubted justification for their action. The two men were given a public funeral on July 9. Between 10,000 and 15,000 men and women w-alked in the procession up Market street, led by the strains of Chopin’s “ Funeral March.” Not a policeman was in sight. At a conference between police officials and union representatives it was agreed that the latter would;see that the peace was observed. The pact was kept. The countless thousands lining the footpaths to see the strange and silent spectacle made a deep impression on the city, ns they watched those slowly marching with their dead. THE PUBLIC' REACTION.

While there wag a measure of good nature on the part of the people when the difficulties of the first day of the strike were encountered, this soon gave way to grim determination that boded failure for the tragic effort. The newspapers “ played up" the general strikes of Seattle in 1919 and Great Britain in 1926, and showed how impossible it was for them to succeed. It was pointed out that the real sufferers were the workers themselves, because they are the largest group in the community, are usually without funds, and have numerous economic disadvantages. The committee in charge of the strike issued “ permits.” Restaurants were named (at first 19 and then others in addition) that could open their dors. The same system governed many of the necessaries of life, and immediately there was aroused bitter public resentment. Delivery wagons for milk and bread and other supplies were labelled with permits to operate. 'Petrol for motor cars was restricted. True, no attempt was made to refuse hospitals, doctors, and groups of citizens those things that were necessary for the preservation of life and health, but the criticisms of “ super government,” the “ interference with fundamental rights of citizens,” and other severe expressions of disapproval, were merited.

The tension was relieved somewhat on the second day of the strike, July 17. The municipal trams were manned by union men. Butchers’ shops wore opened. Employers started to open their places of business. On the third day there was a further resumption of trade, and the fourth day saw the end of the general strike. THE TRADE UNION ATTITUDE. Despite the general strike, pactically all of the conservative union leaders, especially those with years of experience, were opposed to the move. They tried hard to restrain the radical groups that imagined a complete “tic up ” would give organised Labour a victory. Shortly after July 16 two test votes gave the conservative elements the victory, and then the end was in sight. There never was a real general strike in the sense that all industrial activities were drawn into the vortex. For example, the printing trades refused to join, and the newspapers published their usual editions. Support was given to the Presi-. dent’s Mediation Board in its desire to arbitrate the issues. Terrific stress was brought by some employers on the State and city officials to declare martial law, but the wiser counsels prevailed. Political campaigns are on in California, and the questions involved were not always considered as really apart from vote-getting proclivities.

The business depression, the thousands of unemployed men and women, the dissntisfaetion with economic conditions, and the influences that make for disorder in all large communities, gave an impetus to all that happened in the third week of July. And it must be said that some of the employers’ groups failed to recognise their responsibilities in the face of a dangerous situation. An illustration of the sudden change that look place is shown by the powerful Teamsters’ Union of San Francisco. A few days before July 1G the vote was unanimous to join the general strike. Before that time there was refusal. to handle “hot cargo”—i.e., goods worked by strike-breakers, on the waterfront. Just before the general strike was abandoned the teamsters decided by secret ballot to return to their jobs and handle cargo anywhere and everywhere. The vote was 1138 for this action and 283 against. The outcome was a surprise to the onlooker, because of the associations with the longshoremen and the teamsters’ inherent dislike of “scabs”; but it illustrated the cooling-off process that followed the heat of the day. THE PROBLEM OF VIOLENCE. The Police Department of f?nn Francisco has issued a report that since the beginning of the longshoremen’s strike on May 11 down to July 20 there wore four deaths, 208 injuries (strike-brakers and bystanders, 195; strikers, 71; police, 32) ; (ioO arrests, 70 acts of sabotage, and 223 complaints of threats against life and property. Of the dead, two were strikers, one a presumed strike-breaker, and one a suicide. Nearly all the violence took place before July 16. While the picture is not pretty, yet it can be said that San Franciscans were more than pleased ijhnt the general strike did not bring in its wake the loss of life and property that was feared. Large numbers of idle men on the streets, accustomed to the law of the fist rather than the rule of reason, were likely to promote trouble of all kinds. Men were assaulted. Trucks were overturned. Creosote bottles were thrown through windows of stores and private homes —a

new form of deviltry, because it is practically impossible to remove the odour. That these throwers have their own ideas is shown by the hurling ol two bottles of creosote into the home of Michael Casey, yeteran president of the Teamsters Union, an outstanding citizen of San Francisco, who opposed his union’s entrance into the general strike and who strongly urged the return to work. WHAT OF THE FUTURE? The strong feeling that exists needs proper guidance. Fortunately, two or three of the employers’ organisations are pointing the way. They have announced that thev are not opposed to trade unions and would not destroy them if they could. The resentment against the Communists is marked, and is participated in by the public generally, the employers and a Inrgc number of workers. Iho result lias been that overt acts of violence have been committed against radical groups. Thenmeeting places have been wrecked, furm- ' ture and records destroyed, members assaulted, and the wave of hysteria is not over. The danger of this method of expression is that gangs of alleged vigilantes are roaming around proclaiming their allegiance to the flag and American principles. Actually these men are just as clangorous as the Communists on the waterfront. Law and order are essential for all groups. No one can tell whether personal' dislike or an unfavourable report will bring a creosote bomb through the window on the ground ot alleged radical sympathies. Men and women with sensible and advanced views on social and economic questions are having the finger of scorn pointed at them. It is hoped that there will soon come a change in the tension. The longshoremen, sailors, and other maritime workers have voted overwhelmingly to return to their jobs and arbitrate all of the issues that caused dissension with their employers. The thousands of loiiegshorcmen on the Pacific Coast started in to load and unload cargo on the morning of July 31. Thus has ended a bitter struggle, long to be remembered, costing tens of milions of dollars, with losses and suffering to all the resident* of California, and one that

gives ample opportunity to build a better system of dealing with industrial relations.