THE OTAGO DAILY TIMES MONDAY, DECEMBER 29, 1930. EMPIRE AND PAN-EUROPA.

Otago Daily Times, Issue 21220, 29 December 1930, Page 6

THE OTAGO DAILY TIMES MONDAY, DECEMBER 29, 1930. EMPIRE AND PAN-EUROPA.

The proposals of M. Briand for the United States of Europe are not regarded very seriously in this part of the world. Nor does it seem that they are likely of realisation. The cable intelligence almost any day reveals an undercurrent of resentment between France and Germany, a blustering attitude on the part of Signor Mussolini, and an intransigent attitude from the Soviet Government. While so many jealousies are still rankling, how could a federated Europe be brought into being? It is obvious, first of all, that any such union, even if consummated, could not include Eussia; for Russia has decisively flouted the policy and the economic basis accepted in the other European States. Further, Russia is semiAsiatic in the ideals, outlook, and temperament of her people. The fact that she appears on the map of Europe is only a geographical tradition,—a figment that .has little relation to the cultural development of Western civilisation. Though Great Britain is on the European map she is scattered all over the world, and it is difficult to see how she can enter a pan-Europa federation. If she were to do so, she might imperil the solidarity of the" Empire, for it would be an impossibility to include all the dominions equally under the proposals. If Pan-Europa is to come into existence apparently it must shed Britain as well as Russia. Perhaps it is the movement for Imperial Freetrade that partly explains the conception sponsored by M. ,Briand. If Russia, with lier enormous territory and population, goes her way, and Great Britain with her world-strewn Empire goes her way, shall not the remaining States of Europe combine in self-protection? This would seem to be roughly, but only roughly, the case at present. For Great Britain certainly does not by any means limit her commercial dealings to the Empire, neither do the dominions. All parts of the Empire seek the best terms available wherever they are to be found, while at the same time keeping in view the principle of preference. In 1913 inter-Imperial trade represented 24.6 per cent, of the total trade of the Empire; in 1925 it' rose to 29.7, but by 1927 it was down to 24.3. This means, according to an analysis by Professor T. E. Gregory, that the proportion of extra-Imperial trade is rising relatively to the whole. The figures of the Board of Trade show that in 1929 British trade with British countries totalled 26 per cent, of the imports and 41 per cent, of .the exports. On the whole, it seems that the dominions are increasing the tendency to extra-Imperial trade, while the United Kingdom is decreasing this external tendency. But even if these figures indicate only temporary fluctuations, they still make it clear that both Great Britain and tjhe dominions are not an economic bloc, despite their-long constitutional and economic connections., In the case of Pan-Europa there is no old tradition of constitutional <and economic cooperation. Rather the reverse. As Mark Twain said, when travelling in the smaller European States, he was afraid to spread his legs out straight at night for fear he might be asked for another passport. At the very utmost, some kind of agreement over tariffs might be made between the European States. But there would be very grave difficulty in reconciling the conflicting tariff claims of the agrarian and the industrial States. Even were this achieved, Pan-Europa 'would have to concentrate on hoarding raw materials in order to counteract the blocs in the Empire, in Russia, in the United States, and possibly in South America. \ Consequently the world would be torn by the cut-throat' competition of these huge combinations. Thus the dwarfish little jealousies of existing Europe would cease only to give place to the gigantic competitive jealousies of the new groupings. If the world is to move into something like stability it has a better chance under the League of Nations than it could have from a PanEuropa scheme. The prospects for inter-Imperial Freetrade are not bright, but those of Pan-Europa are far less bright. The various nations, like the components of the Empire, will no doubt pursue each its own method. Better mutual understandings will remove jealousies and trade restrictions, and, above all, the general support of the League of Nations would help to keep a world peace. ■