THE TROUBLE IN CHINA.

Otago Daily Times, Issue 19532, 15 July 1925, Page 8

THE TROUBLE IN CHINA.

Of definite improvement in the situation ■in China there are no very satisfactory signs, though several weeks have elapsed since the disturbances broke out at Shanghai which subsequently spread to other cities and towns. In any endeavour to assess the significance of the position due cognisance must be taken of the fact that the internal disorganisation prevalent in China for some considerable time past has been productive of conditions particularly calculated to foster manifestations of unrest. The genesis of the trouble at Shanghai' has been somewhat obscure. Apparently it was to be found in the dissatisfaction of the employees in foreign-owned cotton mills which culminated in a strike and rioting in which a considerable body of students took part. The circumstance that the police, being subjected to attack, eventually fired upon their assailants, with fatal results in several instances, has figured conspicuously in the diplomatic discussions which followed. The grievance of the strikers, was directed particularly against, the Japanese, while the outcry due to the action of the" police authorities was directed particularly against the British. The subsequent demonstrations at Hankow, Canton, and elsewhere were presumably the immediate outcome of sympathy with the Shanghai agitators, though also indicative of the existence of currents of feeling seemingly ripe for some form of outward expression. The outstanding feature of the whole business has been the display of anti-foreign feeling on the part of the Chinese. The Anglophobe sentiments expressed by the disaffected Chinese have been somewhat too conspicuous to be ignored, and the absence of justification for them has created more than a suspicion that they are the outcome of external influences hostile to Britain.-

Unfortunately the Chinese authority at Peking is scarcely worthy of the designation of a central Government, though it purports to be such, anti the diplomatic exchanges have shown a far more pronounced disposition on its part to argue than to act. In its view the principles of humanity have been seriously violated only when foreigners have presumed, as at Shanghai and Hankow, to defend their property or their lives against attack. In a Note handed to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs at Peking on June 17 by the Italian diplomatic representative the unanimity of the interested Powers in their view of the disturbances, and in their desire to impress upon the Chinese Government its heavy responsibility in regard to the maintenance of order at the out-ports, was made manifest. If the Peking Government was under any impression that the term “foreigner” could be regarded as synonymous with “British” the Note should have sufficed to disabuse its mind of that idea. In a communique sent this week to provinces the Peking Government expresses its recognition of responsibility for the protection of the lives and interests of foreigners in these suave terms: ‘The popular movement, which is based on patriotism, is to be commended, but the actions rf bad characters, such as the destruction of the homes of foreigners, are to be avoided as they would be prejudicial to the progress of the negotiations. Henceforth popular agitation must he carried on by peaceful means only.” This is probably a sufficient' indication of what is to be expected from the Peking authorities. Great Britain has been one of China’s oldest friends, but the desirability of that firm attitude towards China at the present juncture, of which The Times urges the adoption, seems to be made apparent. The “popular movement based, on patriotism” which has the approval of Peking has, to say the least of it, very unfortunate outward aspects. The question of fqyeign settlements came up for discussion at Washington in 1921, when China asked for the abolition or reduction of the numerous concessions secured from her by various nations over a period of years, and on that occasion Great Britain showed sympathy with the Chinese Government in its demand for a thorough review of the whole position. A commission of inquiry was appointed, but since then China has not been in a fit state for the introduction of any important measures of reform. Perhaps the most unfortunate aspect, however, of the Chinese disturbances, with their anti-British and anti-foreign' colour, is the ground that exists for believing that they are largely the outcome of Bolshevist propaganda. The student class in China, which has been cpnnected with the rioting in the disaffected centres, Ts precisely the class most likely to be influenced by the teachings of Bolshevist emissaries, and there is no saying by what persuasive arguments the Moscow Government may have commended itself and its professions to the supine authorities at Peking. The British Government has evidently come to the definite conclusion that the disturbances in .China have been fomented by the agents of the Soviet Government, and, judged by a recent statement made by Mr Chamberlain in the House of Commons, it is deliberating what action on its part may be demanded by the situation. If the active symptoms of unrest in China apply but in a restricted circle, it is of course quite possible that their persistence may not be prolonged. But something must depend on the amount or encouragement or discouragement accorded them.