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OUR UNIQUE EMPIRE.

DOMINIONS’ WEAK VOICE IN FOREIGN AFFAIRS. WHAT FOLLOWED THE 1919 PEACE TREATY. By AY. M. Hughes, Australian Prim© Minister from 1915 to 1923. This is the second of three articles specially written by Mr Hughes for the Morning Post (London), in which the whole position of the dominions' in relation to foreign affaire is authoritatively reviewed. , The rights of publication have been purchased by the Otago Daily Times. Tho war made the dominions realise that their remoteness could not .save them from war, that to remain free, self-governing communities they must fight, if needs be, to the death. And they began to understand that in the world, as it is' to-day. nations are to inter-dependent, the ramifications of modern methods so far-reaching and so complex, that the foreign policy ot the Empire was to them .a matter of vital importance. From 1916 to the Armistice, dominion Prime Ministers sat at intervals ,\vith members of the British Cabinet to determine the measures necessary for the prosecution of the war. This procedure was also followeJ by the British Empire delegation in Paris during the Peace Conference, and in accordance with rhese precedents the Prime Ministers of the dominions and the representatives of India were invited in 1921 to meet the members of the British Cabinet called to deal with Imperial and foreign questions of immediate urgency. From 1916, therefore, not only has the right of the dominions to have a voice in the moulding of foreign and Imperial policy boon recognised, but an entirely new instrumentality—lmperial in its character—has existed, functioning, it is true, only at intervals, by means of which foreign and Imperial questions are dealt with by representatives of the whole Empire. ■ ELASTICITY OF CONSTITUTION. This so-called Imperial Cabinet called into existence by tho war, serves to illustrate the wonderful elasticity of what is termed our “constitution.” Under tho spur of circumstances, an entirely novel instrument of government came into existence and functioned smoothly for considerable periods at regular intervals spreading over several years. This instrumentality is the only Imperial body—save and except always tlie Crown —that exists. People speak loosely of the “Imperial Parliament” .and the “Imperial Government,” but these are mere mimes. There are the Parliament of the United Kingdom, the Parliaments of tho dominions and their respective Governments But there is no “Imperial Parliament” or “Imperial--Governnipnt.” Tho right of the dominions to share in deciding questions of foreign policy has been recognised by Britain, and certain machinery created for this purpose. How does it work? is this question that 1 propose to try to answer. During the war many things could he done that are not possible in these days of so-called peace. All things were subordinated to the one end. When the Prime Ministers of the dominions were in London for many months at, a time, the new instrumentality of Empire Government enabled the dominions to exercise some influ°nce in Imperial and foreign matters- As things are to-day, that can hardly be said to he the case. But let me set out the facts. THE DECISIONS OF THE IMPERIAL CONFERENCE: THE THEORY. Mr Lloyd George, in his summary of the proceedings of the 1921 Conference, referred to the discussions, which had covered a very wide field, in these terms: They revealed an absolutely unanimous opinion as tu the main lines to be followed, and a very deep conviction that the whole weight of the Empire should bo concentrated behind a uifited understanding and common action in foreign affairs. Very careful* consideration was given to tho means of circulating information to the dominion Governments and keeping them in continuous touch with the conduct of foreign relations by the British Government. It was unanimously felt that tho policy of tho British Empire could not be adequately representative of democratic opinion throughout tho peoples unless representatives of the dominions and of the Empire wpre frequently associated with those of the United Kingdom in considering and determining the course to be pursued. A resolution embodying the views of tho conference i declares that the Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom and the dominions and the representatives of India should aim at meeting annually, or at such longer periods as may prove feasible. The existing practice of direct communication between the Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom and the dominions, as well as the right of the latter to represent them in consultation with the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom are maintained. It may be observed that the right of direct communication between the Prime Ministers of the different parts of the Empire—an innovation introduce* during- the war —was the natural corollary of the inclusion of all Prime Ministers as ex officio members of the Imperial Cabinet. It is 4 step along the road towards complete emancipation from, the control of the Colonial Office, a survival of the old colonial days, and quite nnsuited to the present status of tho great dominions. Let me set down the decisions of the Imperial Conference of 1921, to which reference has boon made. The conference resolved that as foreign policy affected the whole of the Empire, it was proper that it should be formulated 'by the representatives of the Empire and not by those of the United Kingdom- alone:— (a) Tho recognition of the right of the dominions to have a share in moulding foreign policy, (b) Discussions of foreign policy at Imperial Cabinets and conferences which tho Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom and the dominions take part in. (c) Frequent information to tho dominions direct to Prime Ministers from Foreign Office as well as Colonial Office with the object of keeping the dominion governments thoroughly informed on all matters relating t 6 foreign policy. On the face of things this leaves little to complain of. Since, however, we are an eminently practical people, little concerned with that which is logically and technically perfect, „ but only with getting things done, let ns Tee how it has worked lias it, for example, given the dominions an effective voice in directing foreign policy ? There is only one answer to this question. As things are. the dominions have not an effective voice on , ouostions of foreign policy. Let me refer to two or three recent instances that will show how the present system works out in practice, so that the render may judge for himself. 1919 AND AFTER. I must go back for a moment to 1919 and the Peace Conference. After affixing their signatures to the Treaty of Versailles, tho dominion Prime Ministers returned home, leaving the Treaties of St. Germain and Sevres to bo signed by other representatives of the dominions when completed. It was high time, for they had been absent a very long time! fn my own case, I had been away from Australia nearly 14 months. We had been kept very busy, dealing with the war, and then with the peace which was to create that new world from which war was to bo banished. *and in which man. purged of his iniquities, was to live happily ever afterwards. Naturally all this had taken much time. All the nations of the earth, as it seemed to some of-'ns. had been paraded before us. Age-long grievances had been remedied, the map of Europe had been re-drawn; Arabia, no longer an Ishmncl among the nations, had been given a king of its own; new republics lavishly distributed to an emancipated world. The whole wm-Id basked in the beams of radiant sunshine. When we left home the greatest war in history was raging with horrid furv; and now a glorious -vista opened itself before our eyes. AND THERE Sft ALL BE. NO MORE WAR IN EGYPT! There was to be no more war. Tho cooing of the dove of peace was in all men’s ears. So. as we turned our footsteps homeward, onr hearts were filled with g'adward. our hearts wore filled with gladness. Of course, it was understood that the dominions were to ho posted with detailed information of the progress of this glorious programme.

Time passed, much information came to hand about many things, but generally after the press had broadcasted it over a tired and disillusioned world. It was from this latter source that we learned towards the end of the following year that there was trouble in Egypt. It seemed from all accounts to be rather serious. The_ dove of peace had fled to the Sahara. What precisely was the matter did not appear from the press paragraph, but it would seem that (he Egyptians were greatly dissatisfied. They, in common with all the world, wanted self-determination, instead' of which they had been offered an inferior substitute by someone having authority. What exactly had been offered was not clear from the press report. > But the news disturbed us a great deal. The Suer Canal is one of the gateways to Australia. It would certainly be very serious for us if anything interfered with or threatened the canal. At the 1921 conference the matter w r as discussed and a policy agreed upon, but the conference had to deal with a situation already shaped and beyond its power to effect a material alteration.

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https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/ODT19230508.2.18

Bibliographic details

Otago Daily Times, Issue 18856, 8 May 1923, Page 5

Word Count
1,536

OUR UNIQUE EMPIRE. Otago Daily Times, Issue 18856, 8 May 1923, Page 5

OUR UNIQUE EMPIRE. Otago Daily Times, Issue 18856, 8 May 1923, Page 5

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