THE OTAGO DAILY TIMES TUESDAY, AUGUST 16, 1921. PROSPECTS IN IRELAND.

Otago Daily Times, Issue 18325, 16 August 1921, Page 4

THE OTAGO DAILY TIMES TUESDAY, AUGUST 16, 1921. PROSPECTS IN IRELAND.

It was inevitable in the negotiations for a settlement of the Irish question that the claim of the Dail Eireann for complete independence for Ireland would sooner or later become a crucial point. For the past few years, as has to be recognised, the cause of Republicanism has made by far the clearest individual call to Irish nationality and it would have been more than surprising if at least a formal demand had not been made at the present time for absolute independence. The demand may, of course, prove to be much more than a formal matter, and the latest cablegrams have placed it in the forefront. Nevertheless, insistence upon it will assuredly blast all prospects of a settlement of the Irish question. On the other hand, in the absence of final decisions by the parties, it would be a mistake to conclude that even the proposals proffered by Ireland and the definite reply by Great Britain on the question of secession finally dispose of any prospect of agreement. As a matter of fact the settlement of Ireland necessarily involves very serious questions of public policy and, above all, the difficult problem of nationality. It is quite possible, if not indeed probable, that neither Mr Lloyd George nor Mr De Valera has completely shown his hand in the negotiations. The leaders are not entirely free agents. Behind each there is a band of political “diehards” which for various reasons is not desirous of complete unity, and in addition there is the question of political interests, which may conceivably entail a general election. If agreement can be accomplished it will constitute a great achievement for all concerned, and not least for Mr De Valera. He has risen to prominence as an Irish leader almost wholly on the single principle of Irish independence, but it may be taken for granted that if independence be an indispensable and final condition in the Irish proposals agreement is impossible. The summary of the negotiations shows that Great Britain is prepared to make every reasonable effort to nieet Irish wishes—short, that is, of granting independence—and it must be fairly apparent that in the existing circumstances Mr De Valera has no such overwhelming mandate as is necessary to justify him in persisting to the point of an ultimatum in a claim for separation. He has failed to win support in North Ireland for such a drastic demand. The attitude of Sir James Craig, Premier of North Ireland, makes it clear, indeed, that the Northern Parliament will be developed constitutionally for the joint benefit of Ireland and the Empire. /

The Northern Parliament and the majority of the'electors of North Ireland recognise the fact of the union, and, though Home Rule was not of their seeking, being, in reality, thrust upon them, the new. Constitution has been loyally accepted by them. IVfr Lloyd George could not even if he would, agree to the Irish proposals and acquiesce in the principle of complete independence for Ireland. Yet it may be' unreservedly recognised that the British Government would stop at nothing within reason to accomplish peace ahd amity, An exceedingly fair and illuminating article in the current Round Table points out, however, that “there is .... a point beyond

which no Government which desires to end this conflict can go without opening a new and more comprehensive chapter of bloodshed. No Government can concede a Republican status to one section of Irishmen without depriving another section of their status as British citizens, which they will stake their lives to maintain.” The north cannot be made subservient to the desires of the south, and a divided Ireland cannot claim a measure which postulates unity as an integral basis of the demand for independence. A recognition; of these central facts has impelled General Smuts to reject independence and the coercion of the north as an impossibility, and to argue that the status of selfgovernment on dominion lines, should satisfy Irish desires. Irish leaders have, as General Smuts points out, a greater opportunity than their predecessors to secure peace on an honourable basis and if Ireland remains divided Irishmen only will be responsible for the division. The greatest danger of failure consists in the fact that so many'of the leaders have come to the front on a policy of force as opposed to reason. An atmosphere of force is not calculated to develop those qualities which are called for in delicate and somewhat difficult deliberations, where the long view and ultimate good are the chief consideration. It is unfortunate that, as -the correspondence between Mr Lloyd George and Mr De Valera shows, Irish spokesmen cannot yet grasp the fact that realities are all important and cannot be disregarded. Secession is impossible and wise men should surely seek the best solution, or even the best available solution, especially when it offers abundant possibilities for the exercise of political freedom and the stimulation of national characteristics. So much hinges on the successful outcome of the negotiations that even now, when the prospects do not appear to be particularly hopeful, the real friends of Ireland in particular and of humanity in general must fervently wish for an ultimately favourable issue of them.