LEADERS ON LABOUR

Otago Daily Times, Issue 18293, 9 July 1921, Page 10

LEADERS ON LABOUR

VARIOUS VIEWS. LOSSES CAUSED BY THE STRIKE. (From Ode Own Correspondent.) LONDON, May 13. Mr J. R. Clynos, Labour M.P., at King’s Lynn: •• When the coal stoppage began, I ventured to say it would pay llie country better to think it out than fight it out. The bitter cost of fighting it put is now being revealed in a manner to appal the country and distract those who have trade and commercial interests in their keopmg. No industry was subject in either form or degree to such conditions of war time control as tho coal industry, and for that reason special temporary measures must be taken by, tho State to'enable tho industry to resume its sclf-supporttng condition, and whatever the cost of this form of assistance might be, it would be a small sum compared with tho colossal losses now being suffered by the country because of the failure to arrange a settlement on the lines which Labour has advised.” DESTRUCTIVE AND DISASTROUS EXPERIMENTS. Lord Curzou at Birkenhead: "In those days of disturbed conditions and unsettled beliefs, when Communism, Socialism, Bolshevism, Sovietism are opepjy preached; when class warfare is avoided as the end of a particular section when old forms and forces are broken up; when life seems to be an eternal strike; when wo know from incontroveritihlo evidence that enemy money is pouring from abroad into this country to foment the agencies of revolution —in like these there is something to ho said for tho old belief that a country which possesses stable and well-founded institutions; which still lias some regard for religion; which is proud to bo a member of a great and world-wide Empire; which endeavours still to foster class union rather than class discord, is more likolv to weather tho storm than a country which is either the author or the victim of those novel experiment? which begin in destruction and end in disaster. THE MINERS’ CHALLENGE.

The Lord Chancellor; “The issue is: ‘Shall a trade union bo empowered to override the declared will of that Parliament which still represents tho people of Great Britain?’ It is whether, having escaped from the crime-stained and bloody system of Sovietism, wo should accept a Soviet which produced precisely the conceptions of Lenin, but is represented by the Miners’ Union. —(Cheers.) _ looting means that the resources of the mines that are prosperous shall be distributed in equal shares between those mines and others that are, not prosperous.. It means that tho whole difference should be swept away between enterprise which is well directed and successful, and enterprise which is illdiroctcd and unsuccessful.—(Cheers.) We are to embark upon this monstrous course of insane economic lolly simply because a body of leaders, who are able for the moment to impose their will without a ballot upon the coal miners, orders tho Government to do it. This Government will, not take such orders, and any British Government which accepted and carried them out would have surrendered witn shameful poltroonery everything for 'which our soldiers died in order to win in tho war. If the Government were cowardly enough to oon-

template surrender upon such a point, the matter would not end with the pooling of the mines. There would be a poisonous invasion of the Socialistic principle, which would swoop l away m ten years the accumulated results of ten centuries of industry and cajMicity.” WHAT POSTERITY WILL SAY. “We have seen lately,” said Dean Inge, at the National Liberal Club, “ the new poliev of fomenting social disturbances and subsidising strikes in neighbouring countries which the country doing it wants to injure. The Germans have been amiably trying to stir up soda! troubles in all tho other European countries. I imagine that it is trio that the miners are receiving help from the enemies of this country in all parts of tho world. There are signs of disintegration, and I think posterity will regard with amusement that) state of I lungs which is now going on. They will consider it as almost incredible that wo should have regarded it as legitimate and natural for a largo body of men to combine together to raise up a' war fund by for ceil contributions, and then suddenly to declare war, not against their employers, but against the State, to demand a huge indemnity from tho National Exchequer, and to wage war bv tihe method of blockade, depriving their follow citizens of tho necessities of life in order to starve them into, surrender. Posterity will says it is amusing that such a state of things should ever have existed and found defenders.’”

“ OHAMPAGNE-SWILLING ” MINERS.

The Doan of Sti. Paul’s, in a toast at the London Association of Foremen Engineers: "I know nothing about engineering, and my awful example has had some effect on my children. One of my children, who is six years of age, was recently asked what he was going to do when lie grew up, and ho replied; *1 have not made up my mind yet, bid I am not going to bo what my daddy is; I want Vo do some real work.’— (Laughter.) Business men have a considerable faith that whatever power lias enabled this country to muddle through in tho past will enable' it to muddle through in the future; and, also, it is only fair to say, most of them have certain faith in the good sense and moderation of tho British working man.—(Cheers.) We all disbelieve in violence, but violence seems to lie the one thing that trade unions do believe in, and really it is not much use for a flock of sheep to pass resolutions in favdur of vegetarianism while tho wolf remains of the opposite opinion.—(Laughter.) Mr A Wen (in a toast) has convinced mo that the miners, who have boon sometimes misjudged, are. reallv the most sclf-saerilficing, .patriotic pec 1 To in the world, and that they are only actuated by the wish to make our coal supplies last as long as possible.—(Laughter.) Wo must consider that trie miner. as ho fits swilling champagne at the brink of the pit—which ho refuses to descend —is saying to himself: ‘Thanks I n my noble selfsacrifice, my great-grandchildren will bo able to afford a fire once a year on Christmas Day.”—(Laughter. As to tho effect of - coal supplies upon engineering. I am inclined to think that before our coal fails us our engineers will very probably have discovered sonic substitute for it—the use, for instance, of water power. In Norway there is teeming industry conducted through (he power derived from numerous waterfalls. We are badly off for waterfalls in this country, but is it” not possible that some means maybe discovered for utilising (he power of eea tides? If so, thou engineering may become independent of coal.” MR CHAMBER! AIN ON DIRECT’ ACTION.

Mr Chamberlain, Leader of the House of Commons, maintains that what is now at stake are the real fundamentals of our national life, that have lad to our country’s greatness. “ And in tho political sphere what is at slake is tho natural development, indeed the maintenance of those free parliamentary intitutions, which first arose in this country, which, arc tiro expression of o«r natural political sense and genius, and which are challenged by outside notion, attempting not to convert the nation through tho authorised channels and in the authorised ways of a new political gospel but to drive tho nation and Parliament at tho bidding of the minority, into a course which their roaaoii ana their judgment

alike condemn. I think it is a great misfortune for the country and a great danger, that one particular party should lyave arrogated to itself the name of the Labour Party, which gives it the appearance of a class party; and it affects to speak the mind of Labour. I will never question the right of tho trade unions of the country to speak <ho mind of their constituent working men upon trade issues, but I deny altogether the right of tho Labour Forty or (ho trade unions—formed and maintained for wholly different purposes—to pretend that it or they are authorised by the working men as a body to speak their mind on - political issues. That a party should have been formed on that bais—that it should make that claim, is dangerous as it is novel.” THE HUMAN ELEMENT.

“ There is a far greater number of people to-day who refuse to bo treated any longer as hands—they want to bo treated as humans It ought to be impossible in 1921 that a great, body of men, if they are mainly in the right, should be beaten back to work merely by the force of starvation.” These and other outspoken utterances were the outstanding features of a debate on the industrial crisis in the Up per House of Convocation, at Church House, Westminster.

The Bishop of St. Albans said that the gravest mistake among many that had been made during the dispute was the flat refusal of the Government, in alliance with the mineowncrs, even to consider the question of the national pool because it seemed to cut at the root of the present system. The Bishop of Southwark was frankly and increasingly on the. s ; do of the miners. At first they lost sympathy because of the methods they had adopted, but the more the public, knew of their case the more sympathy they gave them. It was now recognised that an attempt had been made to force the drastic cuts in the wages by a summary lock-out. They had heard it said, “Let them light it out to a finish.” He hoped tho House would denounce that as wicked-folly. Tho Bishop of Lincoln said that on the whole the miners wore a fine body of men, who over and over again had shown in times of special emergency that they were capable of rising to heights of heroism. But the same could be said of agricultural tyorkers and other bodies. The time had come when tho working man should bo coma a partner in industry, and should have some real power in determining the policy of industry. The present economic system, however, was capable of repair. TOO MUCH SENTIMENT.

Prebendary Gough, preaching in St. Paul’s Cathedral, traced the present troubles w Church and State in England largely to a neglect of the aristocratic clement in Christianity and in the common Englishman. Church and State alike to-day were Buffering from their subservience to sentimental Irunianitahanisnr —that deadly enemy of human wc-ifare. As an instance he referred to the resolution, passed in the Upper House of Convocation, supporting tho miners ''and asking for a fundamental change in tho economic basis of industry. Tho speeches on tho resolution combined to represent the miner as an under-dog, tilled with the sentiment cf brotherhood, and desk ing to carry out the Christian principle of tlio strong helping the weak. In reality, a privileged class wuis not trying to “share burdens,' but to shelve its burdens on tho rest of the community. The bishops wore entirely ignoring—if they were not deliberately covering up —the essentially political object of tho promoters of what had threatened to be a revolutionary upheaval. Moreover, all their emotional regard seemed to be reserved for these who were assailing tho public. No word of sympathy was uttered on behalf of the suffering community, and no stern words about the felon blow which some of the leaders were deliberately aiming at their country. It was a pitiful exhibition of the triumph of sentimental opportunism and the absence of any sound judicial spirit. It was as _an aristocrat that tho common man did his work of saving his country, whether in war or in peace. And when this was forgotten in limes of crisis there was trouble.

THE - CHURCHES’ ATTITUDE,

“The churches in the wide sense have got to create a now spirit on both sides,” is the opinion of the Rev. G. A. Studdert Kennedy, well known among members of the British Expeditionary Force as “Woodbine Willie.” “We could do a lot towards building up the kingdom of heaven on earth—if the Labour Party would stop sniffing at the Church. We have got to beat down the prejudice in the working class which exists between them and us. My quarrel with the Labour Party is that, in ijs eagerness to get its people to fight, it does not make them think enough. It tends to reduce complex questions to an artificial simplicity, so as to get them to tight. Labour and Capital are alike working for a wage, for what they can get out of industry. Both need a higher motive. The creation of this new motive is the business of the Church.”

ONE WHO KNOWS. Mr David Gilmour, himself a miner and the sou of a miner, who founded the Lanarkshire Miners’ Union, and remained as its secretary until about half-way through the war, when he resigned because of tne action of the extremist element, has given his opinion of the attitude of the Miners’ Federation. “Was Sir Robert Horne right when he affirmed that the present issue is a political one?” he asks, “i unhesitatingly answer Yes. Examine the actions of the governing authority of the Miners’ Federation during the war and since. Strike! Strike! Strike! has been the policy advocated —against conscription, for the release of conscientious objectors, the repeal of tho Military Service Act. withdrawal ot troops from Russia, nationalisation of tho mines. As a matter of fact, the miners, cn tho recommendation of the Executive Committee of tho Federation, balloted in favour of the strike policy to force nationalisation of tho mines as one of four objects defined on tho famous ballot paper issued by Mr Frank Hodges, the secretary. The extremist section of the loaders, not only of the Miners’ Union, but practically all (he other unions, being heavily defeated at the polls in tho general election, made no secret of their intention to upset industry as a means to gain political power. They knew how easy it was. and is, to get workers to strike, either for increased wages or against reductions, or to obtain shorter hours of labour. The trade union official who dares to raiso his voice against the extreme policy knows that his course has run.”

OBSTACLES TO PEACE. Mr Evan Williams, president of the Mining Association: "Once the* question of a national ‘pool’ is out of the way there is nothing loft for agreement between the owners and the men except as to what the ratio of profits and wages shall be. It is vowing steadily more intolerable to conduct a great basic industry under (he constant attacks of extremists, who are aiming at. industry as a whole, and the unhelpful attempts of outsido_ persons to promote novel schemes without, knowing whither (hoy lead. We don’t dr.siro to appear stubborn or pugnacious, but we are weary of filling the role of ‘stalking horse’ for extremists and politicians who desire to demolish private ownership in ail industry. While wo do not wish our ideas as to a proper ratio between profits and wages to preclude a settlement, wo are fully resolved that, wc will take no part in any inquiry that mav bo set up on the question of a pool, a levy on tonnage, or any other concorded form of State control. The public has been led to believe by the miners’ propaganda Oiat the insufficiency of their wages still keeps them from work. In five weeks they have sacrificed about £30,000,000 in wages, which is equivalent to about Is 6d

a shift for a year. I should say that everything depends upon confidence, freedom from the recurrent strikes of the past few years, and co-operation by the men in the owners’ proposals, which, as Mr Hodges himself has admitted, mark a great advance in industrial organisation. I put confidence first, because the coal mining industry calls for the constant inflow of capital with which to finance the new developments and extensions uiat are vital to the carrying on of the trade. As the pits become worked out it is necessary to develdp new ones to take their place, and the equipment of new apparatus is a far more expensive thing to-day than it used to be. How can yon expect thrifty people who have saved money to provide this capital in an admittedly speculative industry, if to the natural risks of coal mining are added the ruinous effects of strikes and disputes at frequent intervals? Tho coal industry must have peace, and if we can get rid of politics, pools, and levies, which from our absolute knowledge would be disastrous to tho industry, we .believe we can make the mining industry prosperous one* again and provide steady employment fop the great mining community.”

‘‘PuihLXrtS <jjr BiuiAlN.” Mr Winston Churchill, Colonial Secretary, at a luncheon to the irion. VV. if. M'Phor=on, Ireasurer of Victoria:

■— This is tho 41st or 42nd day when no coal has been brought from the bowels of the earth to its sunaoe,’ in order to sustain the industrial life of Britain, aud, although a kind of suspended animation has preserved our industries, it is dear that that cannot continue indefinitely. We sea already in the great industrial centres the streets crowded with those whose emph.yment has come to an end. fciknt ai- die great factories ot the North; lh. *. n, who depends upon tho enterp;... L ne capital of tiie business community , ( ,i his daily wages, walks the .streets, it is a meian. choly situation, and all the time our rivals, our late enemies, our friends, are actively pressing forward to take advantage of the follies of Britain, to peg out claims upon that future which w» thought the great , prodigious exertions and victories of cur soldiers in the war had assured to the people of these islands and of the Empire. And now wo are told that not merely is this coal war to lay the industries of Britain under an interdict, but that oven the coal which is brought in, not to carry on the industries of the country, but to maintain, the life of the people and of the great cities, to provide them with water, light, ana locomotion, without which they cannot continue, and without which their life cannot continue to guard against the pestilence which will break out if their sewage system wore arrested—now wo are told that even the coal that is required for this vital purpose is to bo made tho object of continuous resistance and attack at every stage in its passage from port to its place of consumption. We are at present at a bad moment, a moment which will require possibly from the whole community intense exertion and intense effort, and an effort of character similar to that which wo put forward when our life was menaced in August, 1914. The community is greater than any section—(Cheers.) —it cannot lie ruled by any section ; it must be ruled by institutions standing broadly over the whole basis of the country. The nation must assert itself, hut when it has asserted itself effectively let it be clearly understood neither Government nor nation has any wash to win a victory over - their fellow-countrymen. There will be no wash on the part of tho ns I ion that any element of triumph or vin-, dictive triumph should enter into tho settlement, and we should at all times keep in mind that the permanent and fundamental unity of the nation, and the groat patriotio nation, is tho basis on which tho whole of our constitutional freedom and world wide prosperity has been erected.”—(Cheers.)