GENERAL ASSEMBLY.

Otago Daily Times, Issue 18197, 18 March 1921, Page 5

GENERAL ASSEMBLY.

LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL t (P«a United Pbess Association.) WELLINGTON; March 17. The Legislative Council met at 2.30 p.m. and adjourned immediately until to-morrow. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES The House mot at 11.50 a.m. ADDRESS-IN-REPLY. Mr HOLLAND resumed the debate on the Address-in-Reply. He declared that the Imperial Conference, as at present constituted, could only represent the capitalistic class. The Labour Party was therefore not disposed to give the dominion's representative a blank cheque, and he accordingly moved the following amendment, of which he had previously given notice:— We, however, feel it to be our duty to submit to your Excellency:— 1. That, in view of the serious economic • situation now developing in New Zealand, which renders it inadvisable n Parliament to go into lengthy recess, and also in view of the complete absence ot any detailed reasons for holding an Imperial Conference, and failing proper provision for a democratic election of repreby the whole of the people of New Zealand, the dominion’s representative at the Imperial Conference should be the High Commissioner for New Zealand, who should be definitely instructed by the New Zealand but with no power to commit the dominion to any line of policy, nor to accept responsibility on behalf of the dominion for Imperial acts, declarations of war, etc., until all such matters have received the sanction of both, the people and Parliament. 2. That the New Zealand . delegate should be instructed to give loyal adherence at the conference to the principles laid down in the Covenant of the League ‘ of Nations (of which league New Zealand is part), clause 8 of which reads: “The members of the league recognise that the maintenance of peace requires the reduction of national armaments.” The delegate . should bo instructed to resist every movement in the direction of increased armaments, and to oppose every suggestion making for the precipitation of war. with America or any other country, and on every occasion the urgent linking up of the peoples of all countries in the commonwealth of -industry and peace. 3. That the delegate to the Imperial Conference should declare and vote against all diplomatic secrecy, and - that he should strenuously advocate that in all treaties between Great Britain and foreign Powers, and all arrangements between the dominions and Great Britain, the basis shall not be for naval and military purposes, but for the purpose of social, political, and economic amenities. The present treaty between England and Japan, being merely, a military treaty, and both countries being members of the League of Nations, no renewal of the treaty is required, inasmuch as Article 20 of the covenant of the leagus says: ‘ ‘The members of the league severally agree that this 1 covenant is accepted as abrogating all obligations or undertakings, inter se, which are inconsistent with the terms thereof, and solemnly undertake that they are not hereafter to enter into any engagements inconsistent with the terms thereof.” , , , . 4. That the Now Zealand delegate to the Imperial Conference should resolutely advocate the granting to the people of Ireland, India, and Egypt that full measure of self-determination to gam which, for small nationalities, the statesmen of Great Britain declared the recent world wax was fought. 5. Finally, we feel it to be our duty bo represent to 1 your Excellency our strong disapproval of the action of your Excellency’s Government in • appointing to the position of Acting-Prime Minister an hon. gentleman who is not a member of the House of Representatives. The reason they suggested that Sir James Allen should represent us was because there was no definite mionnation before the House as to what the Conference should discuss, and he could represent us without, committing us as well as anyone else. He (the speaker) had no personal objection to Sir F. D. Bell, but he objected to his becoming Acting Prime Minister because he was not a representative of the people. He charged the Prime Minister witn showing Air Lloyd George s cable to pressmen, but withholding it from members of Parliament, and when it was published there proved to be nothing secret or confidential about it. There was nothing to justify Mr Massey’s contention that only Prime Ministers could attend the Conference, os the representatives of India were members of the Conference. Tracing the evolution of the Imperialistic idea and consequent Imperial Conference, Mr Holland denounced the secret treaties made

before and since the war. It was generally understood that one of the subjects to be discussed ..was the renewal of the Anglo-Japanese Treaty. As both England end Japan were members of the League of .Nations, there was no need for a renewal of that Treaty, as all both nations desired could be achieved through the League. He wanted the delegate from New Zealand to oppose an increase of the usual armaments. He wanted the Prime Minister to give the House a pledge that he would not consent to pooling the resources of countries within the Empire ip connection with war debts, and that he would not consent to any arrangement which would lead to war with America. It was also rumoured that there was a proposal to send men from New Zealand to India to suppress the revolution there. _ He wanted a definite assurance that this was not to be done. In conclusion, he referred again to the evils caused by secret diplomacy, and said he hoped in future that no mantle of darkness would be thrown over our international relations. The amendment moved by Mr Holland was seconded by Air SULLIVAN, who quoted from the New Zealand Constitution Act to show that at present the only powers held_ by the British Parliament over this dominion was negative powers, and the question we had to decide was whether we were now prepared to sacrifice the freedom we possess or whether we were going to preserve our independence. With much of Mr Malcolm’s speech he agreed, but he did not agree with the proposal to set up an Imperial Executive which would dominate the dominions. Personally he preferred to rely on borids of blood and sentiment to hold the Empire together. This idea of an Imperial Executive was merely to develop a mote effective war machine. To this he drew the attention of the democrats of the dominion, for it was a serious prospect in the face of the great world war through which we had just passed.

AFTERNOON SITTING. The House resumed at 2i30 p.m. Proceeding, Mr SULLIVAN' argued that the democracy did not control the foreign policy of Great Britain, yet they were constantly committed by secret treaties, which bartered away their rights and liberties and property. The landed and moneyed classes were the real controllers of the people, not democracy. British financiers had large interests and investments in all parts of the world, so had the capitalists of other countries These interests frequently came into conflict, and when they did so the capitalistic class was prepared to plunge the nation into war to save their investments. Tiiat was a serious position from the people’s point of view, because the landed and moneyed classes believed, when their interests were in danger, the resources of the Empire must be placed at their disposal. That principle was first laid down by Lord Palmerston, and, though protested against at the time, it still remained the accepted view of the moneyed classes. Such an attitude was unjust, and might easily lead New Zealand into war, and the people had to be very careful. They had to consider whether they would allow this country to become tied to the chariot wheels of the capitalistic class. A great danger in this situation was that so much of this kind of thing was done by secret treaties, as was shown by Mr Holland in his speech. We should, therefore, take care that the Prime Minister should not be allowed to go to the conference empowered to commit us to anything until Parliament and the people shall have an opportunity of endorsing or rejecting it. The policy of the Labour Party here, as elsewhere, was a federation of free people, when the “war drum throbs no longer and battle flags are furled.” Dt A. K. NEWMAN (Wellington East) traversed a largo number of subjects, mainly financial, and expressing the ,opinion that we had had our orgy of borrowing and taxation, with the result that we were a very sick people. Mr M. J. SAVAGE (Auckland West) denied that the Prime Minister truly represented the dominion. He contended that no man could truly represent the country at the Imperial Conference until he first knew the views of the people upon the matter? to ba discussed there. Mr A- M’NICOL (Pahiatua) justified the prorogation of Parliament until later in the year because the social and industrial conditions were so unsettled that it was advisable to legislation dealing with those matters until the last moment. Many matters requiring legislation must first be

settled on the other side of the world, time would not bo lost by the postponement of Parliament. Mr W. E. PARRY (Auckland Central). said that up to now no very satisfactory reason had been given for holding an Imperial Conference, If the dominion was to presented at the conference, then'- care should be taken that the representative should not go with a free hjmd. Some hold should be kept over him, aim we should bo ’*• able to get some information from him when he came back. - The House adjourned at 5.30 p.m. EVENING SITTING. The House resumed at 7.30 p.m. Mr L. M. ISITT protested against. » - statement by the last speaker referring. to the possibility of war between England and America, which he (Air Isitt) considered was an eventuality not conceivable by any ordinary person. While he credited Labour-" men with humanitarian ideals, he could only deprecate most strongly Labour members continuing to sympathise with movements inimical to British interests. Mr D. JONES (Kaiapoi) asked that , Labour should come out into the open and state their real views on Imperial matters,. , The Opposition had not yet shown .any reason why Parliament should not go into recess as proposed. Referring to soldier settlement, Mr Jones defended the Government. He protested that the soldier was - being increasingly made into a party football, and the critics’ action was tending to destroy his credit. Alt JONES'supported the Prime Min-~-ister going to the Imperial Conference, osr he was the responsible head of the country, . and the only member entitled to speak on •" behalf of the dominion. New Zealand must recognise that, in view of the value of its - trade overseas, 'it must increase its ineur- « ance in the way of contribution to naval defence. The Prime Alinister could do more • good in London in the next few months in connection with New Zealand's finance and ; other matters than he could if he remained - here. ' t ,-'a

Mr P. FRASER (Wellington Central re- „ ‘s* ferred to foreign affairs, particularly Rua? i A sian. He quoted Brigadier-general Thomp- : w ;j son, who after an opportunity for wide investigation, said the situation in Europe •, was _ full of portent, and the only ablution v lay in the League of Nations. Referring to i-il Ireland, Mr Fraser said he believed the * people of Great Britain wished to .do jus- ,i tree to Ireland, but the Government’s policy *,] was utterly wrong ,and brutal. . Mr V. H. POTTER (RosldU) assailed the . ' extreme section of Labour, declaring that.'. "< they fomented industrial unrest, delaying '. shipping md produce, thereby losing to the '-t/. dominion many thousands of- pounds. He -- ■„ advocated the abandonment of the preference clause in industrial agreements, since it. had been grossly abused by Labour. - Air R. W. Smith (Waimarino) warmly rap-., u ported the proposal that the Prime Ministei? ' should go , with a free hand. The country ' had every faith in him, his great experience - giving him qualifications which no other man possessed for that service. i Mr E. J. HOWARD (Christchurch South) considered that Mr Massey should not go, to V-( London at the present time, because. of financial, industrial, and 'unemployment , troubles looming up. The captain of a % ship should not leave the bridge when there~-f*j was danger ahead. There were other men in such as Sir James Allen and Sir 'i, William Herries. who were quite capable of -■ representing the dominion at the Imperial Conference. This fact obviated the sity of the Prime Minister leaving the do- ;J minion. He expressed the opinion that Mr '"V Massey was not going Home so much to discuss Imperial affairs as to get the utter- _ ’’ most farthing for the, farmers’ produce: ' £ Mr A. HARRIS (Waitemata) urged that ■£.- when at the Conference Mr Alassey ’ should —ij insist upon the British navy being 'kept up * -j to the ■ two-Power standard. ' ! Mr F. N. BARTRAM and Mr J. I AI’OOMBS protested against the action of . the Prime Minister in forcing the debate _to ■ a conclusion that night. No such restrictive measure jras taken'when the Liberal amendment was before the house. Mr M'Comhs declared, amidst interruption, that conscription was introduced in New Zealand, not to ££>rve the Empire, but to compel the .British'-.i- ! Government to send ships to the dominion. ' to carry away the farmers’ produce. Thus v the Prime Alinister was bartering the bodies of bur young men for the benefit of the farmers. This statement, ho claimed, waa ; > based on a reasonable interpretation of 'the Prime Minister’s own words. ’ * ; After Mr H. ATMORE (Nelson) had delivered an attack upon extreme Labour, a division was taken upon Mr Holland’s amendment, which was defeated by 58 to 8, only the Labour Party voting for iti - The House rose at 1.58 a.m. till 2.30 p.m. to-morrow. ;