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THE HOME RULE QUESTION

TO TUB EDITOB Sir, —Since the appearance of my letter 011 Homo Rule in your paper of the 3rd' inst. I have received a number of lettea-s writtei. by Irish ladies reflecting with severity on ji,y opinions, as oxpressed in the Otago Daily Times, «is certain to prove hurttul to the. Protestant interests ot Ireland, and especially of Ulster. There is nothing new nor original in the letters referred to, one of which is wise and tho rest otherwise, and I have chosen the former for a brief acknowledgment, out of courtesy to the writer, and I shall feel obliged if you will find space for it in your paper, as a sufficient reply to tho other letters addressed to me on this question also. I am impressed by the unanimity of the writers in recommending mo to pay a visit to Ireland, and especially to Belfast, assuring me of a speedv conversion if I would only accept their advice. lam thankful to these ladies for their interest in my welfare, and for the evidence they furnistt that they do not deem me past redemption. Well, thero are insuperable difficulties in the way of my acting upon such advice. Parsons, as a rule, are not encumbered with tho good things of this life, especially in tho shape of its gold and silver; and if my correspondents had but hinted that by bazaar or other promising methods the matter of the wherewithal need be no obstacle, then light might have fallen on the situation, and what I might have done in the matter of visiting Ireland need not bo problematical, seeing thero ia no suspension at present of the Habeas Corpus Act. And, since one of nvy correspondents, with a touch of the wit of her race, assures me that Mi- Redmond would welcome mo at the opening of tho Irish Parliament as his armour-bearer, I feel it almost impossible to resist such a flattering temptation, or to resist the impulse to be off. I must now express the hope that my letter may find a place in your paper, and that it may furnish some matter for reflection for my correspondents, and for a good many more of your readers who entertain similar opinions. Wihen I read the cocksureness of such people I feel disposed to repeat the saying of a brother peer of Lord Macaulay, "I wish I wero as sure of one thing as Tom Macaulay is of everything." Also the appeal of Cromwell to the Scottish Assembly, "I beseech you, in tho bowels of Christ think it possible you maybe mistaken!" —I am, etc.. Thomas Neave.

The Manse, Kurow, February 16. "The Manse, Kurow, February 10, 1914. "To Mrs "Dear Madame,—l am in receipt of your respectful letter of date the sth, which I have read with interest, and would liko respectfully to acknowledge. I regret that my communication to the Otago Daily Times newspaper of the 3rd inst. has given you 'much pain,' but, on a great and burning question, such as we are now discussing, it is quite impossible to avoid serious differences of opinion; but I think you will agree with me that it is a just and honourable maxim that disputants should try to- think and speak respectfully of each other in their necessary differences. You •will allow me to say that I have formed my opinions, such as 'they are, on this question after prolonged and earnest inquiry, and whilst I trust I am open to conviction, I have read nothing that has led me to change or modify my opinions. I may say that I have formed my opinions from the teachings of the most illustrious of British statesmen, and entertain them in concert with the great majority of the British constituencies, and when I think that the bestinformed minds of Scotland, my native land, have embraced and supported these opinions steadfastly to the present hour, and that there has been a growing opinion in favour at this policy in England, to say nothing of other parts of Groat Britain, and throughout the overseas dominions, you must feel that suck a splendid consensus of opinion is not to be lightly disregarded; nor can it be fairly imagined that the interests of Protestantism have been neglected, or lightly thought of by such vast masses of people. Were there the slightest fear that' the interests of the Protestant portion of Ireland are likely to be jeopardised by an Irish Parliament, the support of Scotland would never have been given, and would now, forthwith, cease and determine. The best of the people at Home, the most devoted friends of Protestantism, and the unalterable foes of all oppressors—religious or otherwise —cannot be thought of as lending their assistance to this Homo Rule policy without suggesting to its opponents grounds for causing them to pause, cither m their condemnation, or in the tears and alarms. And, besides, the overwhelming support thus furnished should dispose its opponents, yourself among3t them, to think that they may be wrong, and to extend a little more charity and favourable regard to those who differ from them I cherish the profoundeet conviction that this policy is the soundest, both from a religious and political poiftt of view, and in this opinon I am glad to thnk that I am but echoing the opinions of the responsible statesmen of v-rreat Britain and of the Empire. Put these facts in contrast with the extravagant fears and denunciations of the Ulster people, and which merits the largor approval? I deem it my right and duty, as a citizen, to avail myself of every opportunity that may offer to give expression, in the fullest and most unreserved manner, to my convictions on this or any other great public question, with which I regard myself as competent, both by knowledge and consideration, to deal There is ono point in your letter, however on which you appear to lay great stress, and which you deem of itself to be quite conclusive, wihore you ask wihether I have travelled in the papal States of Europe, and where you say that the Catholic majority is always oppressive. Personally I have not travelled in such countries, but think you are greatly exaggerating the value of any such fact, but now, although I have not enjoyed the opportunity of visiting papal States and forming an opinion as to tho quality of Catholicism, I have had other experiences as, in my judgment, of much more value than the experience you refer to. My brother in Scotland was an employer of labour, .and amongst his workmen there were Catholics as well as Protestants. My brother died early in life, and after his death ono of his Catholic workmen—as I remember the fdcfc with perfect distinctness to-day—seldom allowed a week to pass without his calling on my widowed mother, and the impression of his kindness to my mother remains with me to-day, and I am proud to bo able to use my pen to speak well of the groat kindness of' heart which belongs to the Catholic Irishman. —I thank you again for your respectful letter, and now remain, yours sincerely, "Thomas Nkavk." Sir.—Although I am not "W. Mawmnney," I shall oblige " Ulsterman " and show as briefly as I can how a Nationalist Parliament " will be in a position to interfere with any of the liberites at present held by Ulster."' Under the union in Ireland there is civil and religious liberty as far as the State is concerned; there is no discrimination bo-

tween Unionist and Nationalist, Protestant or Roman Catholic. Only one-fifth of the Irish member . of Parliament are Unionists, but the other four-fifths cannot do much iiarm, as they are only a small part of the Brit.sh House of Commons. We can only judge by collateral ovidonce, both present and past, that would happen had the Nationalists the controlling power in aii irish Parliament.

Under the local Government Act, 1898. county councils wero instituted. In Ulster there are 690,134 Roman Catholics ami 806,333 Protestants. The County Council representatives are one Roman Catholic ioi every 6162 Roman Cathodes, and one Pro testant for every 7206 Protestants. Lemster, Munster, and Connaught have 2,548,522 Roman Catholics and 254,218 Protestants, ihc County Council representatives are one Protestant for every 15,830 Protestants, and 0110 Roman Catholic for every 3625 Ronnui Catholics." See how this works out. Cork County Council is entirely Nationalist, no Protestants havo been employed s.nce IE9B. The same applies to Kerry and Lcitnm. tiouth County Council has 31 Nationalists utd one Unionist; no Protestants employed since 1898.

Mayo Council is ertircly Nationalist; no Protestants employed. Tho dispensing doctor in Clarcmorris appointed a Protestant afl his locum tenons. This was so strongly objected to that a resolution was passed that no one was to be employed without first bringing a certificate from the parish pr.est. Is it any wonder that the Roman Catholic priesthood is anxious for the Bill to pass ? The Roman Catholics of Belfast are about one-fourth of the population and pay only one-twentieth of the city' rates, yet there are 900 of them employed by the corporation, and they receive £48,000 per innum in wages, or about three t.mcs the mount pa.d in Kites by all tho Roman' Jatholics. In Armagh, although the Unionists far outnumber the Nationalists, there are more Roman Catholics than Protestants employed by tho council. There are 20 other counties outside of Ulster, in which the councils havo not a Protestant employed since the Local Government Act came .into force.

This gives a clear indication of what would happen in an Irish Parliament when the Nationalists held sway.—l am, etc.. Duncdin, February 18. G. N. R.

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/ODT19140220.2.14

Bibliographic details

Otago Daily Times, Issue 16003, 20 February 1914, Page 3

Word Count
1,623

THE HOME RULE QUESTION Otago Daily Times, Issue 16003, 20 February 1914, Page 3

THE HOME RULE QUESTION Otago Daily Times, Issue 16003, 20 February 1914, Page 3

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