EMPIRE NAVAL PROBLEM

Otago Daily Times, Issue 15822, 22 July 1913, Page 2

EMPIRE NAVAL PROBLEM

NEW ZEALAND'S POLICY REVERSED. FEAR OF THE YELLOW MAN. ANTI-ASIATJC MOVEMENT. ' Onion Oiib Own' CoßitKsro:;rjy.NT.) LONDON, June 6. In an entertaining article in the current Fortnightly Review Mr Archibald Hurd discusses the divergent views o: the Mother Country and the Dominions on Imperial Naval Policy, and foretells that on unity of action between the overseas nations and the Mother Country depends their future and ours. His title is ,"The Racial War in the Pacific: An Imperial Peril." Mr Hurd writes: "While Europe is preoccupied with the struggle of Slav against Teuton, and British politicians are watching the changing scene on the European Continent as though no other continent existed, incidents are occurring on the other side of the world which show unmistakably that the rivalry between the white and yellow peoples is assuming dangerous proportions. While the Imperial Government is bound to Japan by a defensive alliance, the British peoples whose shores are washed by the Parific Ocean are becoming increasingly dominated by the fear of the 'vellow man' as well as of their fellow subjects of India. This fear, and not the growth of German naval armaments, or uncertainty as to the future of the little Balkan States, is definitely and rapidly moulding the destinies of these dominion's on the other side of the world. As a straw indicates the direction of the wind, so numerous events of recent occurrence suggest that this anti-Asiatic movement will in a short time become the determinative factor in Imperial policy, and may eventually prove a source of action surpassing in strength the sentiment of kinship which has hitherto sufficed as an effective bond between, the various sections of the Empire." ;■

THE BATTLESHIP' NEW ZEALAND,

Mr Hurd recalls how the Hon. James Allen came Home to' consult with the British Naval authorities, and says: "He (Mr Allen) stopped on his way to confer with the Commonwealth Ministers, and reached London determined to reverse the policy adopted by Sir Joseph Ward's administration in 1909. ... It has been reported that the New Zealand Government, having given its free consent to the battle cruiser New Zealand being retained as part of the main' guard of the Empire, the Minister of Defence has since expressed a desire to revoke this decision."

Mr Hurd then refers to Sir Wilfrid Laurier's recent .speech at Toronto: "In this speech Sir Wilfrid appeared, for the first time as the exponent of the Pacific Ocean—or anti-Japanese—policy favoured by the Commonwealth Government, and more lately espoused by the Government of New Zealand. Sir Wilfrid Laurier epitomised the policy of the white people of the Pacific Ocean. 'Great Britain,' he remarked, 'in pursuance of her new naval strategy, has concentrated her fleets in home waters, whereas formerly she had vessels in every sea,' but the leader of the Liberal Opposition in Canada furthermore added that it seemed to him that 'defence, like charity, should begin at home.' These statements apparently reflect the views held by a large proportion, if not the majority, of the peoples of the overseas Dominions. They have approached the naval problem late in the day, and are necessarily unfamiliar with the strategic, basis of British naval policy. Throughout these dominions the policy of the weak defensive—the individual local navy—is being preached, and it is generally believed by colonial politicians that the White Ensign does not float in the outer seas in anything like the strength that at did in the past, because the Royal Navy is weaker than it was, and that their territories are, therefore, in peril." THE JAPANESE ALLIANCE. ' "The main guard of the Empire," writes Mr Hurd, "is not in ' home waters' in order to prevent the invasion of the British Isles, but in order to be ready to defend the primary sea frontier of the British peoples. There is only one less battleship in the outer seas than there was. That single battleship was in the Far East for the simple reason- that Russia and Germany were rapidly increasing their squadrons in the China Seas; would make of her expanding fleet, and would make of her expanding J-jet, and the horizon is becoming overcast. Today there is not only no British, but no European battleship outside European waters. Japan is the ally of the' British peoles, bound to them by a treaty which will remain operative until <19H1, end. which before that date will almost certainly be renewed, because it reflects Japanese needs, and, lastly, Russia is' a member of the Triple Entente. Every naval Power' with any appreciation of the fundamental principles of naval warfare has abandoned the of keeping old ships of little or no fighting power—ships that could not fight and could not run away—doddering about the great ocean spaces of the world, 'showing the flag" in discreditable fashion and offering it for insult.

" The Admiralty have adopted no ! new naval strategy.' The principles whicli underlie their action in the disposition of British men-of-war are exactly the same as those set forth in the memorandum laid before the Dominion Ministers, including Sir Wilfrid Laurier, in 1902. It was then stated that ' the primary object of the British Navy is not to defend anything, but to attack the fleets of the enemy and. by defeating them, to afford protection to the British Dominion's shipping and commerce.' Because Canada may not 60 frequently see obsolescent little ships passing in and out of her Atlantic and Pacific ports, because there are fewer ' bugtraps' cruising among the Pacific islands, the Dominions are not less but far better defended than they have ever been before.'' THE YELLOW PERIL. After pointing out that armies defend land and navies seas, that the 6eas are one, a 6 the land is not. and can never be, Mr Hurd continues: " What is the root explanation of this negation of the fine Imperial spirit which found expression in eome of the Dominions during the naval crisis of 1909! It is apparent that Mr Allen reflected the predominant opinion in the great Dominions when he stated that ' we do not fear any European force; that is the crux of the matter.' In other words these Colonial statesmen are dominated by the 'yellow peril.' Probably not one of them has a thought of making war upon Japan, but they share a feeling that Japan may sooner or later decide to take up arms against the policy of exclusion adopted towards would-be Japanese emigrants to' the Pacific countries inhabited, but inhabited very sparsely, by the white man. Everyone who is of the white race and shares the whitcman's ideals must sympathise with these kinsmen who are face to face with the great racial problem. '' Wherever the Japanese emigrant settles he underbids the white man in the labour market, his family follows him to his new place of settlement, his customs and habits become predominant and, with persistent pressure, he and his kin enlarge their boundaries, driving lh« white man before them. We who live far removed from this racial problem cannot afford to ignore it, Unless we are content to witness the growth of a movement which may dismember the Empire. The people in other parts of the King's dominions can hardly realise 'the intensity of the anti-Japanese feeling which dominates all the peoples of the white race who live on the slopes of the Pacific Ocean. '"The racial problem is not merely the antagonism of the white _ man to the Japanese, but his rooted objection totho settlement in bis midst of any Asiatic community, whether it come from Japan, China, India, or Singapore. It is this terror which is moulding the policy of the dominions, and the time has come for the Imperial Government to consider what its attitude should be in fauc of the grave situation which is rapidly developing. A CUITICAL SITUATION. Mr Hurd then goes on:—"It must be evident to all who study the course of dominion policy that matters have reached a- critical condition. The inhabitants of those sections of the British Empire which are washed by the Pacific Ocean have been watching with close and interested attention recent events in California.

Many of thorn have come to believe that they have more to hope from the United States—which is on tlie scene and looks at tlie problem mure or less as they do— than from any influence which, may be exerted by the Imperial Government? In some minds in the dominions there is already developing the idea, still ; it may bo dim and shadowy, that the road to Kifeiy lies rather in close co-operation with the United States than in reliance upon the vague and undefined, if benevolent, intentions of the Imperial Government.

"This growing anxiety of the white peoples of the Pacific is undermining every sound principle' of naval strategy by which British maritime interests have hitherto been effectively defended, and yet no action is being taken. Fearing that sooner or later Japan may strike in defence of the free emigration of her subjects, Australians and New Zealanders are adopting a policy of local defence, and Sir Wilfrid Laun'er has become the advocate of the same policy in Canada. These white peoples are obsessed with the thought of a local peril, and they are also impressed by the balance of population which is o\erwhelminglv against them. Their faith in the übiquity of British sea power to hold the lines of sea communication is waning. They arc unfamiliar with those broad principles of naval policy which, to the people of the British Isles are now the commonplaces of everyday thought. There is not an effective warship at any point on tlie western coast of the British Isles, and yet every town and village is defended. Yeans ago, in our innocence of the truth, wo used to have coast and port guardships dotted round the British Isles. Thev have long since been banished in recognition of the fundamental principle that navies do not directly defend territory; their aim is to prevent the enemy securing the sea liigh-ways-Mdiat is the real invasion to be feared. The growing peril to Imperial unity arises from the fact that Downing street is endeavouring to ignore the existence of Imperial problems. It is not sufficient to pooh-pooh the fears of these white peoples and to rxiint to the AngloJapanese Alliance and the control of the British Government'over Indian emigration. The Government may conclude, on the highest expert authority, that the heart of the Empire is safe from an invader, and yet leave the dominions still assailed by fears as to their position in case of attack. It is not nervousness of invasion on the part of some sections of the people of the British Isles which is shaping the future of the Empire, but the feelings of the ' white' dominions oversea. ■ This is the aspect of Imperialism which is being ignored, but it is the aspect which is determining the thought of the oversea States and fashioning their policy; yet. British 6tatesmenn remain dumb." PARTING OF THE WAYS. "We are approaching the parting of the ways. If the British Empire is not to be run on the shoals, British politicians must realise that we are at the beginning of a new age, when great decisions must be taken fearlessly. Either we must work for a Greater Britain, which will be the most potent instrument for good in the spread of civilisation, or we must be prepared for the inevitable alternative. If we stand selfishly aside, absorbed in our own and Europe's affairs and allowing the stream of Imperial sentiment to sweep past ns, the. British Isles must become an insignificant factor in European affairs and of no account in world affairs. "These small nations of to-day are the great nations of to-morrow. They are already the best customers. for our manufactured, goods. They know that their future is on the sea, and they watch with fascinated fear every development which threatens their sea communications. Unless British statesmanship makes some move, the next stage in Imperial development may prove to be the consolidation of an empire within the greater Empire. Already leading politicians' in New Zealand, Australia, and Canada are in consultation with a view to yet closer trade relations and joint naval defence measures in the Pacific. • There is no idea of disloyalty to the Imperial ideal in these local navies: there is no recognition of the waste in men and money which the attain-' ment of the measures proposed represents; there is no understanding of the negation of true strategic principles involved. It is no long step from an empire within an empire to a cleavage into two empires. This might well be tlie work of a moment —the result of some sudden ebullition of feeling. It is not a development which we need fear to-day when the white peoples of the Pacific are few and scattered and dependant upon us for the money required for development purposes; but' the time is not far distant when they will be manyand united by powerful mutual interests. TRUTH OF THE ALLIANCE. Mr Hurd offers the following explanation of the alliance: "The fact is that Japan, realising that she is weak and that she will continue to be weak, has 'pooled' her liabilities by a treaty with the greatest naval Power of the world; we, on our part, determined to hold what we have, have increased the margin of our safety by entering into a defensive arrangement with Japan. This treaty is not so muoh in the interest of tho people of the British Isles as in the interest of the peoples of the far dominions. It eases the path of diplomacy in discussing racial problems, and it is impossible to see why this truth should not be boldly and officiaally stated in order that the inhabitants of British Columbia, Australia, and New Zealand may understand what they gain by a treaty, supported by .an all-powerful British fleet, which will preserve the peace more securely than any local navie3 which they, in their essential weakness, can hope to create.. Nor is there surely any reason why it should not be boldly and fearlessly stated that if the ally of to-day should become the enemy of, to-morrow, before such a development can occur the present dispositions of the fleet will be altered.

"As matters are, and have always been, the Admiralty distributes the fleet, which is the Empire's shield, so that it may most readily defeat the Empire's probable enemy, without consulting the interested views of this or that community. During the whole of the 19th century the main guard of every Imperial interest cruised 2000 or 3000 miles from the British' Isles, and their inhabitants acquiesced; it may be that events will be so shaped that strategy will require great British squadrons to be sent into ,the Pacific to the depletion of European waters. If such an eventuality occurs the inhabitants of the United Kingdom will readily aTcc to such a movement unless, under the tuition of colonial statesmen like Sir Wilfrid Laurier, they have come to hold the selfish and anti-Imperial doctrine that 'defence, like.charity, begins at home.' Our present Imperial policy is, of course, the negation of Sir Wilfrid Laurier's declaration. The whole foundation of the Empire and its future rests on the denial of such a fallacy, which if onco adopted by the British taxpayer would leave the Scattered peoples of the dominions oversea at the mercy of the first enemy which cast envious eyes on their accumulating wealth. The hour h,w struck for Imperial Ministers to deal with the new and menacing conditions which are developing in the Pacific, and to prove to these defenders of an 'all-white' policy that they have our active sympathy and support, within the limits of our Imperial responsibilities, and that their only hope of salvation in the years ahead lies in the strength and good offices of one Empire united in allegiance to one King, and defended by the might of one übiquitous fleet of commanding strength."